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GS 1 · Practice archive

GS Paper 1 practice questions for UPSC Mains 2026.

Indian Heritage and Culture, History, Geography, Indian Society.

20 Qs / 250 marks406 questionsModel outlines included

GS Paper 1 · Tips & tricks

GS-1 — write with dates, places, persons and primary sources

  1. Name the historians, name the reports.GS-1 rewards specificity — cite Bipan Chandra, R.S. Sharma, Romila Thapar, the Hunter Commission, the Sarkaria report, etc. by name rather than as "historians say".
  2. Use a sketch map for Geography.A rough map labelled with the named feature (river, mountain, basin) earns marks even if your prose is average.
  3. Distinguish cause, course, consequence.Most history questions reward a three-part structure. Don't merge them into one narrative blob.
  4. Indian Society needs data + lived examples.Pair NFHS / Census / PLFS numbers with a named community, region or scheme — not abstract sociology.
  5. Beware the "discuss" trap.When the directive is "discuss", give multiple perspectives. When it is "examine", weigh evidence. When it is "evaluate", deliver a verdict.
Q.115 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Akbar’s Mansabdari system and his religious policy together built a more stable Mughal polity than military conquest alone could have produced. Critically analyse.

Subtopic: Medieval India · Mughal Administration

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Introduction: Akbar (r. 1556–1605) consolidated Mughal rule less through battlefield expansion after 1576 than through institutional and ideological innovation.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Mansabdari system: zat and sawar ranks introduced 1577, mansabdars as a numbered nobility from Iranis, Turanis, Rajputs and Indian Muslims — broke factional dominance. (2) Land revenue — Todar Mal’s Dahsala bandobast, 1580, ten-year average price-yield assessment. (3) Religious policy: abolition of jizya (1564), Rajput marriage alliances, Ibadat Khana debates (1575), Din-i-Ilahi (1582), sulh-i-kul as ruling principle.

Conclusion: Athar Ali’s thesis — mansabdari plus sulh-i-kul gave the Mughal state its 17th-century resilience; the unravelling under Aurangzeb shows what their dilution cost.

Key points
  • Mansab introduced 1577, zat for status, sawar for cavalry
  • Iqta abolished, salary in cash or jagir
  • Todar Mal’s Dahsala bandobast, 1580
  • Jizya abolished 1564, pilgrim tax abolished 1563
  • Ibadat Khana at Fatehpur Sikri, 1575
  • Din-i-Ilahi proclaimed 1582
  • Sulh-i-kul as state ideology
  • Composite Iranian-Turani-Rajput nobility

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Q.215 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Why did the Quit India Movement of 1942 turn into a leaderless mass uprising, and what does that tell us about the maturity of Indian nationalism on the eve of independence? Discuss.

Subtopic: Modern Indian History · Quit India Movement

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Introduction: The Quit India Movement, launched at Bombay on 8 August 1942 with Gandhi’s ‘Do or Die’ call, became a leaderless uprising after the wholesale arrest of Congress leadership the next morning.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Causes of leaderlessness: Operation Zero Hour arrests; failure of Cripps Mission in March 1942 had radicalised even the moderates. (2) Form of the uprising: parallel governments at Ballia (Chittu Pandey), Tamluk (Tamralipta Jatiya Sarkar) in Midnapore, Satara (Prati Sarkar under Y.B. Chavan); communications sabotage, attacks on police stations — over 250 stations destroyed. (3) Significance: showed the depth of nationalist consciousness even without central leadership; convinced the British that the Raj could not be policed; led to the post-war Cabinet Mission of 1946.

Conclusion: Quit India confirmed Bipan Chandra’s reading — Indian nationalism had become a mass force capable of acting without prompting from the top.

Key points
  • Quit India Resolution at Gowalia Tank, Bombay, 8 August 1942
  • Gandhi’s ‘Karenge ya Marenge’ / Do or Die speech
  • Cripps Mission failure, March 1942
  • Arrest of entire Congress leadership, 9 August 1942
  • Parallel governments at Ballia, Tamluk, Satara
  • Tamralipta Jatiya Sarkar in Midnapore, 1942–44
  • Underground leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan, Aruna Asaf Ali, Ram Manohar Lohia, Usha Mehta
  • Usha Mehta’s Congress Radio from Bombay
  • Cabinet Mission, March 1946

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Q.315 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The linguistic reorganisation of states in 1956 was both a democratic concession and a strategic risk. Critically analyse with reference to the Dar Commission, JVP Committee and Fazl Ali Commission.

Subtopic: Post-Independence India · Linguistic States

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Introduction: The States Reorganisation Act 1956 redrew India’s internal map along linguistic lines, after a decade of contested commissions.

Body — weigh evidence: (1) Initial caution — Dar Commission, 1948, opposed linguistic states for fear of fragmentation; JVP Committee (Jawaharlal, Vallabhbhai, Pattabhi Sitaramayya), 1949, accepted same. (2) Trigger — Potti Sriramulu’s fast-unto-death and Andhra Pradesh, 1953, the first linguistic state. (3) Reorganisation — Fazl Ali Commission, 1953–55; States Reorganisation Act, 1 November 1956, reorganised into 14 states and 6 UTs along language. (4) Trade-off — democratic legitimacy and administrative convenience won against feared Balkanisation; later challenges (Punjabi Suba 1966, Telangana 2014) showed linguistic principle had limits.

Conclusion: Selig Harrison’s 1960 warning of ‘dangerous decades’ proved overstated; linguistic states became a tool of, not a threat to, Indian federalism.

Key points
  • Dar Commission, 1948, against linguistic states
  • JVP Committee, 1949
  • Potti Sriramulu’s 58-day fast, death on 15 December 1952
  • Andhra Pradesh formed 1 October 1953
  • Fazl Ali Commission appointed 22 December 1953, reported 1955
  • States Reorganisation Act, 1 November 1956
  • 14 states and 6 Union Territories created
  • Punjabi Suba, 1 November 1966
  • Telangana created 2 June 2014, 29th state
  • Selig Harrison — ‘India: The Most Dangerous Decades’, 1960

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Q.415 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Indian summer monsoon is not a single mechanism but a coupled system of ocean, atmosphere and orography. Examine the role of ENSO, the Indian Ocean Dipole and the Tibetan Plateau in shaping its variability.

Subtopic: Climatology · Indian Monsoon

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Introduction: The southwest monsoon, June to September, delivers about 75% of India’s annual rainfall against a Long Period Average of 87 cm.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Atmosphere-ocean: ENSO — El Niño warm phase suppresses monsoon (2015, 2023 deficit years), La Niña typically enhances it (2020–22 triple-dip surplus). (2) IOD: discovered by N.H. Saji in 1999; positive IOD with warm western Indian Ocean offsets El Niño impact (1997, 2019). (3) Orography and circulation: Tibetan Plateau heating drives the Tibetan High and the easterly jet over peninsular India; the Mascarene High and Somali Jet supply moisture. The Western Disturbances govern winter precipitation.

Conclusion: Forecasting now treats the monsoon as a coupled system; IMD’s dynamical Monsoon Mission model uses these teleconnections to issue Long Range Forecasts.

Key points
  • SW monsoon June–September, c. 75% of annual rain
  • IMD’s LPA = 87 cm
  • El Niño — warming of central-east equatorial Pacific suppresses monsoon
  • La Niña — cool Pacific phase, 2020–22 triple dip
  • Indian Ocean Dipole — Saji et al., Nature 1999
  • Positive IOD offsets El Niño impact — 1997, 2019
  • Tibetan Plateau heating, Tropical Easterly Jet
  • Somali Jet (Findlater Jet)
  • Mascarene High over southern Indian Ocean
  • IMD Monsoon Mission, dynamical forecast model from 2012

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Q.515 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

A caste census could ground reservation in evidence or harden caste as a public category for another century. Critically analyse with reference to the Mandal Commission, Indra Sawhney and Census 2027.

Subtopic: Indian Society · Caste, Reservation and Census

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Introduction: The Union Cabinet approved caste enumeration in Census 2027 on 12 December 2025, the first full caste count since 1931, at an outlay of ₹11,718.24 crore.

Body — weigh evidence: (1) Case for evidence: Mandal Commission (1980) recommended 27% OBC reservation based on a 1931 figure of 52%; no fresh data since. Indra Sawhney (1992) drew the 50% ceiling. (2) Recent demand: Maratha, Patidar, Jat agitations, Bihar caste survey 2023, sub-classification verdict in State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024). (3) Risks: classification chaos in Mandal-listed castes; risk of cementing caste in administration; SECC 2011 caste data never released. M.N. Srinivas’ warning that counting hardens identity.

Conclusion: Andre Beteille’s caution — measurement is not neutral; whether caste data delivers justice depends on whether it is used for graded outcomes or political arithmetic.

Key points
  • Cabinet approval of caste enumeration for Census 2027, 12 December 2025
  • Budget ₹11,718.24 crore for Census 2027
  • Mandal Commission 1980, 27% OBC reservation
  • OBC share derived from 1931 census as 52%
  • Indra Sawhney v. Union of India 1992, 50% ceiling
  • SECC 2011 caste data never released
  • Bihar caste survey published 2 October 2023
  • Sub-classification verdict in State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, 1 August 2024
  • 103rd Constitutional Amendment 2019, 10% EWS quota
  • M.N. Srinivas on caste and modernity

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Q.615 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Sufi silsilas were as much a sociological intervention as a spiritual movement in medieval India. Examine with reference to the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders.

Subtopic: Medieval India · Sufi Movement

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Introduction: Sufism reached India in the late 12th century with Muinuddin Chishti's settlement at Ajmer (c. 1192). Four major silsilas — Chishti, Suhrawardi, Naqshbandi, Qadiri — translated Islamic mysticism into Indian idiom.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Chishti pattern: poverty, distance from state, music (sama), open kitchen (langar). Khwaja Muinuddin (Ajmer), Bakhtiyar Kaki (Delhi), Baba Farid (Pakpattan), Nizamuddin Auliya (Delhi), Nasiruddin Chiragh-i-Dilli, Bandanawaz Gesudaraz (Gulbarga). (2) Suhrawardi pattern: closeness to political power, accumulation of wealth, urban orientation — Bahauddin Zakariya at Multan accepted iqta from Iltutmish. (3) Sociological consequence: khanqahs as inter-religious meeting grounds, Hindavi vocabulary (Amir Khusrau as Nizamuddin's disciple), composite shrines drawing Hindu pilgrims at Ajmer and Pakpattan; Sufi malfuzat as social record. K.A. Nizami's 'Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century' anchors the analysis.

Conclusion: The Sufi silsilas built a parallel civic infrastructure that supplemented the Sultanate state and shaped Indo-Islamic culture.

Key points
  • Muinuddin Chishti at Ajmer c. 1192
  • Four major silsilas — Chishti, Suhrawardi, Naqshbandi, Qadiri
  • Chishti tenets — poverty, distance from state, sama
  • Bahauddin Zakariya, Suhrawardi at Multan
  • Nizamuddin Auliya at Delhi, d. 1325
  • Amir Khusrau — Nizamuddin's disciple, Hindavi poet
  • Malfuzat — Fawaid al-Fuad recording Nizamuddin's discourses
  • Khanqahs — composite institutions, free kitchen
  • K.A. Nizami — Sufi-state relations thesis
  • Bandanawaz Gesudaraz at Gulbarga, Deccan spread

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Q.715 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Cabinet Mission Plan of 1946 was the last serious effort to keep India united. Examine its provisions, the reasons for its failure and the path it left to partition.

Subtopic: Modern Indian History · Path to Partition

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Introduction: The Cabinet Mission, comprising Pethick-Lawrence, Stafford Cripps and A.V. Alexander, arrived in March 1946 to negotiate the transfer of power. Its plan of 16 May 1946 was the last constitutional design that preserved a single Indian Union.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Provisions: rejection of Pakistan; three-tier federation — Union centre with defence, foreign affairs, communications; Groups A (Hindu majority), B (Punjab, NWFP, Sind, Baluchistan), C (Bengal, Assam) deciding their subjects; Constituent Assembly elected by Provincial Assemblies; interim government on representative basis. (2) Acceptance and breakdown: Congress accepted Constituent Assembly clauses but rejected mandatory grouping; Muslim League accepted full plan then withdrew on 29 July 1946 after Nehru's Bombay press conference on 10 July suggesting grouping was not binding; League called Direct Action Day 16 August 1946 — Great Calcutta Killings followed. (3) Path to partition: Wavell's interim government September 1946; Mountbatten Plan 3 June 1947; Indian Independence Act 18 July 1947; Radcliffe Boundary Award.

Conclusion: Sumit Sarkar's reading is that the Cabinet Mission's grouping clause was conceptually unworkable; whether handled differently it could have produced a loose Indian federation is one of the most discussed counterfactuals in modern Indian history.

Key points
  • Cabinet Mission arrived March 1946 — Pethick-Lawrence, Cripps, Alexander
  • Cabinet Mission Plan of 16 May 1946
  • Pakistan rejected, three-tier federation proposed
  • Groups A, B, C with sectional subjects
  • Nehru's Bombay press conference 10 July 1946
  • Muslim League withdrew 29 July 1946
  • Direct Action Day 16 August 1946
  • Great Calcutta Killings — 4,000 dead in three days
  • Wavell's Interim Government, September 1946
  • Mountbatten Plan 3 June 1947, Indian Independence Act 18 July 1947

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Q.815 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Hindu Code Bills (1955–56) were Ambedkar’s unfinished social-democratic project carried out under Nehru’s first government. Examine their content and limitations.

Subtopic: Post-Independence India · Social Legislation

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Introduction: The four Hindu Code Acts of 1955–56 — Hindu Marriage Act 1955, Hindu Succession Act 1956, Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956, Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act 1956 — were enacted by the first Lok Sabha after Ambedkar resigned in 1951 over their stalling.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Origins: Rau Committee (B.N. Rau, 1941) and Hindu Code Bill drafted by Ambedkar as Law Minister 1947–51; Constituent Assembly resistance from conservative members; President Rajendra Prasad's reservation; Ambedkar's resignation 27 September 1951. (2) Content: Hindu Marriage Act codified monogamy, allowed divorce; Hindu Succession Act gave daughters limited rights in coparcenary property (full coparcenary rights only after 2005 amendment); Adoption Act allowed adoption of a daughter; Guardianship Act made father natural guardian, mother only after him. (3) Limitations: applied only to Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, not to Muslims, Christians, Parsis — Uniform Civil Code under Article 44 still pending; many gender inequalities (Hindu Undivided Family taxation, Mitakshara coparcenary) corrected only by Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act 2005.

Conclusion: The Hindu Code laws were the largest single legislative intervention in personal law since 1947; their incomplete reach and gendered residues remain a constitutional unfinished agenda.

Key points
  • Four Hindu Code Acts — 1955 and 1956
  • Rau Committee 1941, Ambedkar Hindu Code Bill draft 1948
  • Ambedkar resigns as Law Minister 27 September 1951
  • Hindu Marriage Act 1955 — monogamy, divorce, inter-caste marriage
  • Hindu Succession Act 1956 — limited coparcenary rights to daughters
  • Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956
  • Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act 1956
  • Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act 2005 — equal coparcenary
  • Article 44 Uniform Civil Code remains directive principle

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Q.915 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Emergency of 1975–77 and the 44th Amendment of 1978 together define what a constitutional democracy must not do. Discuss with reference to the protected scope of fundamental rights.

Subtopic: Post-Independence India · Emergency and Constitutional Recovery

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Introduction: The National Emergency of 25 June 1975 to 21 March 1977 — proclaimed by President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed on Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's advice — followed the Allahabad High Court judgment of 12 June 1975 setting aside her election. The 44th Amendment of 1978 by the Janata government rolled back its excesses.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Emergency abuses: detentions under MISA, suspension of fundamental rights (ADM Jabalpur 1976 held Article 21 could be suspended); censorship of press; 42nd Amendment (November 1976) called the 'mini-Constitution' added 'socialist, secular' to the Preamble, curtailed judicial review, lengthened Lok Sabha term. (2) Janata response: 44th Amendment, June 1978 — Article 352 amended so emergency can be declared only for 'armed rebellion' not 'internal disturbance'; written cabinet recommendation required; Article 359 amended so Article 20 and Article 21 cannot be suspended; Right to Property removed from Part III (Article 31 to Article 300A). (3) Constitutional legacy: Minerva Mills (1980) reinforced basic structure; ADM Jabalpur expressly overruled in Puttaswamy 2017; demonstrated that constitutional norms can be restored after rupture.

Conclusion: The Emergency–44th Amendment sequence remains the clearest empirical case in Indian constitutional history of democratic self-correction.

Key points
  • Emergency declared 25 June 1975, revoked 21 March 1977
  • Allahabad HC judgment 12 June 1975, Justice Jagmohanlal Sinha
  • MISA detentions, Press Censorship Ordinance 1975
  • ADM Jabalpur v Shivkant Shukla 1976, suspended Article 21
  • 42nd Amendment November 1976 — 'mini-Constitution'
  • 44th Amendment June 1978 — 'armed rebellion' requirement
  • Article 20 and 21 cannot be suspended even in emergency
  • Right to Property moved from Article 31 to Article 300A
  • Minerva Mills 1980 — basic structure reaffirmed
  • Puttaswamy 2017 overruled ADM Jabalpur

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Q.1015 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Indian Ocean Dipole now rivals ENSO as a determinant of Indian monsoon variability. Examine the mechanism, phases and forecasting implications.

Subtopic: Climatology · Indian Monsoon Drivers

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Introduction: The Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD) was identified by N.H. Saji and colleagues in 1999 as a coupled ocean-atmosphere mode in the tropical Indian Ocean independent of ENSO.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Mechanism: defined by the Dipole Mode Index (DMI) — anomalous SST difference between the western (50°E–70°E, 10°S–10°N) and south-eastern (90°E–110°E, 10°S–0°N) tropical Indian Ocean. Positive IOD: warmer west, cooler east — enhances south-west monsoon rainfall in India. Negative IOD: reverse — suppresses monsoon. (2) Phases and case studies: 1997 positive IOD coincided with El Niño but still gave India near-normal rainfall; 2019 strong positive IOD compensated for weak El Niño, India had 110% of LPA; 2020 negative IOD pattern muted monsoon. (3) Forecasting: IMD's dynamic Monsoon Mission Coupled Forecasting System (MMCFS); NOAA Pacific buoy network; APEC Climate Center; needs better Indian Ocean RAMA buoy density; ENSO and IOD interaction in 'modoki' configurations remains under-modelled.

Conclusion: The IOD reduces the deterministic role of ENSO but increases the complexity of monsoon forecasting; better Indian Ocean observation infrastructure is the prerequisite for sub-seasonal predictions India's agriculture needs.

Key points
  • IOD identified by N.H. Saji et al, Nature 1999
  • Dipole Mode Index — SST anomaly difference
  • Western box 50°E–70°E, eastern box 90°E–110°E
  • Positive IOD — enhanced SW monsoon
  • Negative IOD — weakened monsoon, drought tendency
  • 2019 strong positive IOD, India 110% LPA
  • ENSO independence — IOD operates in non-El Niño years
  • IMD MMCFS — Monsoon Mission Coupled Forecasting System
  • RAMA buoy array in Indian Ocean
  • Modoki El Niño-IOD coupling under research

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Q.1115 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Critical minerals are the new strategic resources of the 21st century. Examine India’s endowment, import dependence and the 2023 critical minerals policy framework.

Subtopic: Economic Geography · Strategic Minerals

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Introduction: The Ministry of Mines released the list of 30 Critical Minerals for India on 28 June 2023 — including lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite, rare earths, titanium, zirconium and tin — based on the Veena Kumari Dermal Committee report.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Endowment and gaps: lithium reserves found at Salal-Haimana, Reasi (J&K) — 5.9 million tonnes inferred (GSI, February 2023); titanium-bearing beach sands of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Odisha; graphite in Arunachal, Tamil Nadu, Odisha; rare earth in Indian monazite (KMML, IREL); cobalt and nickel essentially absent. (2) Import dependence: India imports 100% of lithium, cobalt, nickel for battery applications; 70%+ rare earth magnets from China; vulnerability for EV ecosystem, solar manufacturing, defence. (3) Policy framework: Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Act 2023 — 24 critical minerals reserved for central government auction; KABIL (Khanij Bidesh India Ltd) for overseas acquisition; agreements with Argentina, Australia, Africa Mining Investment Vision; National Critical Mineral Mission 2024–25.

Conclusion: India's critical mineral strategy is now a four-track effort — domestic exploration, recycling, overseas acquisition and processing capacity; success in lithium-cobalt processing will determine whether India captures or just consumes the energy transition.

Key points
  • 30 Critical Minerals list released 28 June 2023
  • Salal-Haimana Reasi (J&K) lithium discovery, 5.9 mt inferred
  • Indian beach sands — titanium, zirconium, monazite
  • 100% lithium, cobalt, nickel import dependence
  • 70%+ rare earth magnet import from China
  • MMDR (Amendment) Act 2023 — critical minerals reserved for centre
  • KABIL (Khanij Bidesh India Ltd) for overseas acquisition
  • Critical Mineral Auctions launched November 2023
  • National Critical Mineral Mission 2024–25
  • Strategic for EV, defence, electronics, solar

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Q.1215 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The Code on Social Security, 2020 names ‘gig worker’ and ‘platform worker’ in Indian statute for the first time. Examine the recognition-versus-disbursement gap and the structural challenges of social security for India’s 90% informal workforce.

Subtopic: Indian Society · Population — Informal Labour

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Introduction: About 90% of India's workforce is informal, generating roughly 50% of GDP. The Code on Social Security, 2020 was notified into force on 21 November 2025, defining gig and platform workers for the first time.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Scale — ILO India Employment Report 2024 puts informal employment at nearly 90%; e-Shram crossed 31.38 crore registrations as of November 2025; women 53.68% of registrants. (2) Gig growth — NITI Aayog (2022) projects gig workforce 77 lakh (2020-21) to 2.35 crore by 2029-30, 4.1% of total livelihood; women 28% share. (3) The gap — recognition without aggregator contributions actually flowing into the Social Security Fund; portability missing; PM-SYM and Atal Pension Yojana coverage thin.

Conclusion: Build a portable, contribution-based floor on the e-Shram rails — accident cover, maternity, pension — funded by a 1–2% aggregator levy as proposed by NITI Aayog.

Key points
  • Code on Social Security, 2020 notified 21 November 2025
  • About 90% of workforce informal, ~50% of GDP
  • ILO India Employment Report 2024 — 82% workers in informal sector, 90% informally employed
  • e-Shram registrations 31.38 crore as of 27 November 2025
  • Women 53.68% of e-Shram registrants (PIB, March 2025)
  • NITI Aayog (June 2022) — gig workforce 77 lakh → 2.35 crore by 2029-30
  • Women 28% of gig workers; 47% medium-skilled, 22% high-skilled
  • PM-SYM pension for unorganised workers, ₹3,000/month after 60
  • Rajasthan Platform-Based Gig Workers Welfare Act, 2023 — first state law

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Q.1315 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Manual scavenging stands banned in India since 1993, yet the government’s own data records 294 sewer and septic-tank deaths between 2020 and 2024. Critically analyse the definitional gap and the shift from rehabilitation to mechanisation under NAMASTE.

Subtopic: Indian Society · Social Empowerment — Caste and Dignity

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Introduction: The 1993 Act and the PEMSR Act, 2013 ban manual scavenging and hazardous cleaning. Yet 294 sanitation workers died in 2020-24 (Rajya Sabha reply, February 2025).

Body — three dimensions: (1) Definitional gap — government claims ‘no manual scavenging’ while logging deaths as ‘hazardous cleaning’; NHRC has recommended widening the definition. (2) Caste pattern — of 58,098 manual scavengers identified, 97.25% with known caste are Scheduled Caste; about 92% of NAMASTE-profiled workers SC/ST/OBC; 77% Dalit (2025 study). (3) NAMASTE shift — National Action for Mechanised Sanitation Ecosystem launched July 2023, ₹349.73 crore for FY24-FY26; PPE kits, Ayushman cover, capital subsidy for vehicles; 90,942 workers profiled as of April 2026.

Conclusion: Mechanisation cannot end a caste-rooted practice alone — close the definitional loophole, enforce the PEMSR Act and end the Swachh Bharat single-pit irony (only ~13% twin-pit toilets).

Key points
  • Employment of Manual Scavengers Act, 1993
  • PEMSR Act, 2013 — septic tanks, sewers, hazardous cleaning
  • 294 sewer/septic tank deaths 2020-24 (Rajya Sabha, February 2025)
  • 377 deaths 2019-23, 330 in 2017-22 — separate parliamentary replies
  • 58,098 manual scavengers identified, 97.25% SC where caste known
  • Uttar Pradesh — 32,473 of those identified
  • Bezwada Wilson — Safai Karamchari Andolan, Magsaysay 2016
  • Safai Karamchari Andolan estimates 1,760+ cumulative deaths
  • NAMASTE scheme, July 2023, ₹349.73 crore for FY24-FY26
  • Supreme Court Dr Balram Singh judgment 2023 — ₹30 lakh compensation

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Q.1415 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

India’s tribal population at 10.43 crore (Census 2011) includes 75 Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups concentrated in 18 states. Examine the constitutional framework — Fifth Schedule, Sixth Schedule, PESA and the FRA — and the gap in PVTG implementation.

Subtopic: Indian Society · Diversity — Scheduled Tribes

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Introduction: Scheduled Tribes are 8.6% of population (10.43 crore, Census 2011). 75 PVTGs identified across 18 states/UTs (originally Dhebar Commission 1960; renamed PVTG in 2006).

Body — three dimensions: (1) Constitutional architecture — Articles 342, 244; Fifth Schedule (10 states) and Sixth Schedule (4 NE states); PESA Act, 1996 extending Panchayati Raj to scheduled areas; FRA, 2006 recognising individual and community forest rights. (2) PVTG situation — Jarawas, Onges, Great Andamanese, Birhor, Bonda, Sahariya, Saharia, Cholanaikkans — pre-agricultural, low literacy, stagnant population. (3) Implementation gap — FRA recognises only ~50% of community forest rights claims; PM JANMAN ₹24,104 crore mission for PVTGs (November 2023) covers housing, road, water, mobile connectivity.

Conclusion: Replace welfare-as-substitution with rights-as-recognition under the FRA and PESA, and let Gram Sabhas drive PM JANMAN delivery for PVTGs.

Key points
  • ST population 10.43 crore, 8.6% (Census 2011)
  • 75 PVTGs across 18 states/UTs (MoTA list)
  • Articles 342, 244, 275(1), 339
  • Fifth Schedule — 10 states; Sixth Schedule — Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Mizoram
  • PESA Act, 24 December 1996
  • Forest Rights Act, 2006 — Individual Forest Rights and Community Forest Rights
  • Xaxa Committee Report 2014 — tribal welfare review
  • PM JANMAN launched 15 November 2023, ₹24,104 crore over 3 years
  • Dhebar Commission 1960 — original PVTG identification basis

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Q.1515 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

India’s mental-health treatment gap stands at 84.5% — only one in six people with a diagnosable disorder reaches care. Examine the structural drivers and the promise of task-sharing under the District Mental Health Programme.

Subtopic: Indian Society · Population — Mental Health

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Introduction: Define ‘treatment gap’. National Mental Health Survey (NMHS) 2015-16 — current adult prevalence 10.56%, lifetime 13.67%, treatment gap 70–86%, highest for common mental disorders.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Workforce — about 0.75 psychiatrists per lakh (WHO Atlas 2020) vs WHO benchmark of 3+; only ~9,000 psychiatrists for 1.4 billion. (2) Legal architecture — Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 — right to mental healthcare, decriminalised suicide attempt under Section 115, advance directive, Mental Health Review Boards; Section 309 IPC abolished. (3) Delivery — National Mental Health Programme since 1982, District Mental Health Programme in 767 districts; Tele MANAS (October 2022) — 24×7 helpline, 18.4 lakh calls handled by 2025.

Conclusion: Task-share with ASHAs, ANMs and lay counsellors under specialist supervision, fund the DMHP at scale and integrate with Ayushman Bharat Health and Wellness Centres.

Key points
  • NMHS 2015-16 — current adult prevalence 10.56%, lifetime 13.67%
  • Treatment gap 70–86%, severe MDs 73%, common MDs 85%
  • WHO Mental Health Atlas 2020 — India 0.75 psychiatrists/lakh
  • Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 — right to mental healthcare
  • Section 115 MHCA — decriminalised attempted suicide
  • National Mental Health Programme since 1982
  • District Mental Health Programme — 767 districts
  • Tele MANAS launched October 2022, 18.4 lakh calls by 2025
  • Advance directive provision in MHCA 2017

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Q.1615 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

The global automobile industry has clustered into a handful of mega-producers, with China alone making 30.16 million vehicles in 2023. Examine the location factors that explain the world’s automobile capitals.

Subtopic: World Geography · Location of Industries — Automobiles

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Introduction: Global motor-vehicle production 93.5 million units in 2023 (OICA). Top three — China (30.16 m), USA (10.6 m), Japan (8.99 m). India ranked 3rd in passenger cars (5.5 m units, 2023).

Body — three dimensions: (1) Market access — Detroit (Michigan) historic capital served Midwest demand; Tokyo-Yokohama-Toyota City cluster serves Asia-Pacific. (2) Component ecosystem — Stuttgart-Munich-Wolfsburg (Daimler, BMW, VW) on Mittelstand supplier base; Shenzhen-Shanghai EV cluster (BYD, Tesla GigaShanghai). (3) Labour and policy — Chennai-Sriperumbudur-Hosur (Hyundai, Ford, Renault-Nissan, Royal Enfield) — ‘Detroit of India’; Manesar-Gurugram (Maruti); Sanand-Pune western corridor (Tata, Mahindra, Mercedes).

Conclusion: Automobile geography is now reshaped by EV battery sourcing — China's CATL, Korea's LG, India's PLI for ACC — pulling new plants toward lithium-mineral access and clean grid.

Key points
  • Global motor vehicle production 93.5 million (2023, OICA)
  • China 30.16 m, USA 10.6 m, Japan 8.99 m
  • India 5.85 m units (3rd in passenger cars)
  • Detroit, Michigan — Big Three legacy
  • Toyota City, Aichi — Toyota Production System base
  • Stuttgart-Munich-Wolfsburg German cluster
  • BYD overtook Tesla in EV sales 2023
  • Chennai ‘Detroit of India’ — Hyundai, Ford, Renault-Nissan
  • PLI Scheme for Automobile, Auto Components — ₹25,938 crore (2021)
  • PLI Advanced Chemistry Cell battery — ₹18,100 crore

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Q.1715 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Critical minerals — lithium, cobalt, nickel, rare earths — concentrate in a handful of countries, posing fresh resource-geography challenges. Examine the global distribution and India’s response under the Critical Minerals Mission.

Subtopic: World Geography · Major Resources — Critical Minerals

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Introduction: The energy transition needs lithium (batteries), cobalt and nickel (cathodes), rare earths (magnets). Reserve concentration is extreme — Chile and Australia hold over half of lithium reserves; DRC produces 70% of world cobalt; China refines about 80% of rare earths.

Body — three dimensions: (1) Geography — Lithium Triangle (Chile-Argentina-Bolivia), Australia's Greenbushes (spodumene), DRC's Katanga copperbelt for cobalt, Indonesia's Sulawesi for nickel laterite, China's Bayan Obo for rare earths. (2) India's discoveries — 5.9 million tonnes lithium inferred resource in Reasi, J&K (GSI February 2023), KABIL JV in Argentina; Karnataka's Mandya lithium prospect. (3) Policy — Critical Minerals List 30 minerals (June 2023); MMDR Amendment 2023 allowing private auctions; National Critical Minerals Mission ₹16,300 crore (January 2025).

Conclusion: Diversify supply via Mineral Security Partnership (US-led, India joined June 2023), build refining capacity, recycle e-waste — concentrate of resource = concentration of power.

Key points
  • 30 critical minerals identified June 2023, MoMines
  • 5.9 million tonnes lithium inferred — Reasi, J&K (GSI Feb 2023)
  • Lithium Triangle — Chile, Argentina, Bolivia
  • Australia Greenbushes — world's largest lithium mine
  • DRC ~70% of world cobalt production (Katanga belt)
  • China refines ~80% of rare earths (Bayan Obo)
  • Indonesia — world's largest nickel reserves
  • MMDR Amendment Act, 2023 — private auctions of 24 critical minerals
  • KABIL (NALCO-HCL-MECL JV, 2019) for overseas mineral acquisition
  • Mineral Security Partnership — India joined June 2023
  • National Critical Minerals Mission, ₹16,300 crore (January 2025)

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Q.1815 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Highlight the importance of the new objectives that got added to the vision of Indian independence since the twenties of the last century.

Subtopic: Modern Indian History · evolving goals of the national movement

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Introduction → Purna Swaraj replaces dominion status → socio-economic content: Karachi Resolution, socialism, workers-peasants → social equality: anti-untouchability, women's participation → planning and secular nationalism → importance: mass base, constitutional blueprint → Conclusion
Key points
  • Purna Swaraj (Lahore, 1929) replaced dominion status — complete independence became the unambiguous goal, first celebrated on 26 January 1930.
  • The Karachi Resolution (1931) added fundamental rights and a national economic programme — freedom acquired socio-economic content.
  • Socialist ideas (Nehru, Bose, Congress Socialist Party 1934) and the organisation of workers (AITUC 1920) and peasants (All India Kisan Sabha 1936) broadened the class base.
  • Gandhi made abolition of untouchability and the constructive programme integral to swaraj.
  • The National Planning Committee (1938) committed the movement to planned economic development.
  • Women's mass participation and reaffirmed secular nationalism widened who 'the nation' included.
  • Importance: turned elite agitation into a mass movement and provided the blueprint for the Constitution (Fundamental Rights, DPSP) and post-independence planning.

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Q.1915 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

Distinguish between religiousness/religiosity and communalism giving one example of how the former has got transformed into the latter in independent India.

Subtopic: Indian Society · communalism and secularism

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Introduction → conceptual distinction: inward faith vs political ideology of hostile interests → stages of communalism and compatibility with pluralism → transformation example: Ram Janmabhoomi mobilisation to Babri demolition → enabling conditions → Conclusion
Key points
  • Religiosity is the intensity of personal faith and devotion; communalism is the ideology that religious communities have opposed secular — economic and political — interests (Bipan Chandra's definition).
  • Religiosity is inward and needs no enemy; communalism is political and is constituted by an antagonistic 'other'.
  • Deep religiosity can coexist with pluralism (Gandhi); communal leaders may be personally irreligious yet mobilise religion for power.
  • Communalism escalates in stages: common community interests → different interests → irreconcilably hostile interests.
  • Transformation example: popular devotion to Rama was converted by the Ram Janmabhoomi mobilisation of the 1980s-90s into political identity, culminating in the Babri Masjid demolition (1992) and subsequent riots.
  • Enabling conditions: competitive electoral politics, rumour, socio-economic anxieties and weak law-and-order response.
  • Response: secular statecraft (S.R. Bommai, 1994), impartial policing, value education and inter-faith civic institutions.

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Q.2015 marks · 250w 14 min Hard

‘Women’s movement in India has not addressed the issues of women of lower social strata.’ Substantiate your view.

Subtopic: Indian Society · women's movement and intersectionality

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Introduction (claim is substantially true: movement led by urban, upper-caste, middle-class women) → substantiate: 19th-century reform for upper-caste women; post-1970s dowry/rape/DV agenda; Dalit-feminist critique of Dalit patriarchy → counter-evidence: SEWA, anti-arrack stir, Mathura/Bhanwari cases → Conclusion: need for intersectional feminism
Key points
  • The claim is largely valid: the mainstream women's movement was led by urban, upper-caste, middle-class women and universalised their concerns.
  • Nineteenth-century reform (sati abolition, widow remarriage) chiefly addressed upper-caste women's issues, leaving caste and labour largely untouched.
  • The post-1970s agenda - dowry, anti-rape campaign, domestic violence - reflected mainly urban middle-class priorities.
  • Dalit feminists (Sharmila Rege, Ruth Manorama) exposed 'Dalit patriarchy' and caste-linked sexual violence, forming the National Federation of Dalit Women (1995).
  • Adivasi women's struggles over land and forest rights, and an intersectional lens integrating caste, class and gender, were long absent from the movement.
  • Counter-evidence: SEWA (1972) organised poor self-employed women; the Andhra anti-arrack agitation was led by rural poor women.
  • Lower-strata women shaped landmark law - the Mathura case drove the 1983 rape-law reform, and Bhanwari Devi's case produced the 1997 Vishaka guidelines.
  • Conclusion: a genuinely emancipatory feminism must be intersectional, not a single privileged 'sisterhood.'

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