‘Women’s movement in India has not addressed the issues of women of lower social strata.’ Substantiate your view.
Subtopic: Indian Society · women's movement and intersectionality
How to structure your answer
Written within the word limit
282 words · target 250 words · 14 min
Context
The claim holds substantial truth. India's mainstream women's movement, historically led by urban, upper-caste and middle-class women, has often universalised “women's issues” while under-serving the distinct oppression of Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim and working-class women. The criticism, voiced strongly since the 1990s, is one of representation as much as of agenda. Yet the picture is not wholly one-sided.
Substantiating the criticism
- Nineteenth-century reform - against sati and for widow remarriage - addressed largely upper-caste women's concerns, leaving caste and labour untouched.
- The post-1970s agenda - dowry, the anti-rape campaign, domestic violence - centred on issues most visible to the urban middle class.
- Dalit feminists such as Sharmila Rege and Ruth Manorama argued that mainstream feminism ignored “Dalit patriarchy” and caste-linked sexual violence, prompting the National Federation of Dalit Women (1995).
- Adivasi women's struggles over land, forest rights and displacement rarely figured on the mainstream agenda, and intersectionality - the overlap of caste, class and gender - was long absent from the movement's leadership and priorities.
The counter-evidence
- SEWA, founded by Ela Bhatt in 1972, organised poor self-employed women around livelihood and dignity.
- The Andhra anti-arrack agitation of the 1990s was led by rural poor women; the Mathura and Bhanwari Devi cases - both involving lower-strata women - produced the 1983 rape-law reforms and the 1997 Vishaka guidelines.
- Later measures such as gender budgeting and reservation in local bodies benefited poorer women too.
Thus the movement did engage the marginalised, but its dominant voice and agenda under-represented them. A genuinely emancipatory feminism must therefore be intersectional - foregrounding caste, class and community rather than assuming a single “sisterhood.” Only then can it speak for the woman at the bottom of every hierarchy, not merely for those already relatively empowered.
What an examiner expects to see
- The claim is largely valid: the mainstream women's movement was led by urban, upper-caste, middle-class women and universalised their concerns.
- Nineteenth-century reform (sati abolition, widow remarriage) chiefly addressed upper-caste women's issues, leaving caste and labour largely untouched.
- The post-1970s agenda - dowry, anti-rape campaign, domestic violence - reflected mainly urban middle-class priorities.
- Dalit feminists (Sharmila Rege, Ruth Manorama) exposed 'Dalit patriarchy' and caste-linked sexual violence, forming the National Federation of Dalit Women (1995).
- Adivasi women's struggles over land and forest rights, and an intersectional lens integrating caste, class and gender, were long absent from the movement.
- Counter-evidence: SEWA (1972) organised poor self-employed women; the Andhra anti-arrack agitation was led by rural poor women.
- Lower-strata women shaped landmark law - the Mathura case drove the 1983 rape-law reform, and Bhanwari Devi's case produced the 1997 Vishaka guidelines.
- Conclusion: a genuinely emancipatory feminism must be intersectional, not a single privileged 'sisterhood.'
Concrete cases, schemes and judgments
- SEWA (Self-Employed Women's Association), founded by Ela Bhatt, 1972
- Andhra Pradesh anti-arrack movement led by rural poor women (1990s)
- Mathura custodial rape case leading to the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 1983
- Bhanwari Devi case leading to the Vishaka Guidelines, 1997
- National Federation of Dalit Women (1995); Sharmila Rege's work on Dalit patriarchy