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GS 2 · Practice archive

GS Paper 2 practice questions for UPSC Mains 2026.

Polity, Constitution, Governance, Social Justice and International Relations.

20 Qs / 250 marks426 questionsModel outlines included

GS Paper 2 · Tips & tricks

GS-2 — anchor every claim to an article, a judgment or a body

  1. Quote the Article number first.Article 200, Article 356, Article 14 — naming the constitutional provision in the first line of the body signals competence.
  2. Pair a judgment with the principle it laid down.S.R. Bommai (federalism), Kesavananda Bharati (basic structure), Vishaka (workplace harassment) — use them as shorthand, not lectures.
  3. Use the institution's real name.Not "election body" — Election Commission of India. Not "human rights body" — National Human Rights Commission. Not "the audit body" — CAG.
  4. For Governance, cite a real scheme + a real number.PM-KISAN beneficiaries, Aadhaar coverage %, MGNREGA person-days, DBT savings — concrete metrics anchor your point.
  5. IR answers need three verbs: convergence, divergence, balance.Every bilateral relationship has all three. Show all three in the same answer.
Q.110 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The 73rd and 74th Amendments promised a three-tier federation, but local governments remain financially and functionally hollow. Comment.

Subtopic: Polity · Local Government & Federalism

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Introduction: The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments 1992 added Parts IX and IXA and the Eleventh and Twelfth Schedules, listing 29 panchayat and 18 municipal subjects.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) constitutional design left functions, funds and functionaries as 'may' devolutions under Articles 243G and 243W; (ii) State Finance Commissions under Article 243-I are constituted with delay and ignored; the 15th Finance Commission flagged uneven local-body grant utilisation; (iii) parallel bodies and elected mayors with no executive control hollow the third tier.

Way forward / Conclusion: Activity mapping for all 29 and 18 subjects, predictable SFC awards, and a constitutional bar on parallel bodies are the reforms that match the 1992 promise.

Key points
  • 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments 1992 — Parts IX and IXA
  • Articles 243G and 243W on devolution of functions — enabling, not obligatory
  • Eleventh Schedule (29 subjects) and Twelfth Schedule (18 subjects)
  • Article 243-I and 243Y — State Finance Commissions
  • 15th Finance Commission earmarked Rs 4.36 lakh crore for local bodies (2021–2026)
  • Article 243K — State Election Commission for panchayat elections
  • Panchayat Advancement Index (Ministry of Panchayati Raj, 2024) measures devolution gaps

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Q.210 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The Foreign Contribution Regulation Act 2010 has reshaped the space for NGOs in India and strained the right to associate under Article 19(1)(c). Comment.

Subtopic: Governance · NGO Regulation & Civic Space

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Introduction: The FCRA 2010 replaced the 1976 Act and was tightened by the 2020 amendment to channel all foreign funds through a designated SBI Parliament Street branch.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory tightening — Section 7 ban on sub-grants, mandatory Aadhaar of office bearers, and tightened renewal under Sections 11 and 16; (ii) impact — FCRA registrations fell from over 22,400 in 2017 to under 16,000 by 2024 according to MHA disclosures; (iii) constitutional test — Noel Harper v. Union of India (2022) upheld the amendments under Article 19(1)(c) and Article 14, while Indian Social Action Forum v. Union of India (2020) preserved political-activity restrictions.

Way forward / Conclusion: A reasoned renewal process with appellate review and a narrower definition of 'political activity' would reconcile the security purpose with constitutional freedoms.

Key points
  • Foreign Contribution Regulation Act 2010 and FCRA (Amendment) Act 2020
  • Section 7 — bar on transfer of foreign contribution to other organisations
  • Designated SBI New Delhi Main Branch for all FCRA inflows
  • Article 19(1)(c) right to form associations — reasonable restriction under 19(4)
  • Noel Harper v. Union of India (2022) upheld 2020 amendments
  • Indian Social Action Forum v. Union of India (2020) on 'political' activity
  • FCRA registrations declined from approximately 22,400 in 2017 to under 16,000 in 2024 (MHA annual data)

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Q.310 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups have remained outside the headline indicators of welfare. With reference to the constitutional and policy framework for PVTGs, examine.

Subtopic: Social Justice · Vulnerable Groups

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Introduction: The 75 PVTGs across 18 states and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands inherit the Dhebar Commission 1961 category of 'Primitive Tribal Groups', renamed in 2006.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) constitutional anchors — Article 46 DPSP, Fifth and Sixth Schedules, PESA 1996, Forest Rights Act 2006; (ii) institutional — Tribal Sub-Plan, Eklavya Model Residential Schools, and the PM-JANMAN mission launched 15 November 2023 with a Rs 24,104 crore outlay; (iii) gaps — absence of disaggregated census data, low Habitation Development Plan coverage.

Way forward / Conclusion: Group-specific Habitation Development Plans, PVTG enumeration in the next census, and convergence with the Forest Rights Act community-forest-resource rights are the policy levers.

Key points
  • 75 PVTGs across 18 states and Andaman and Nicobar Islands
  • Dhebar Commission 1961 created the 'Primitive Tribal Groups' category
  • Renamed Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups in 2006
  • Article 46 — DPSP for educational and economic interests of SCs/STs
  • PESA 1996 — Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act
  • PM-JANMAN launched 15 November 2023, outlay approximately Rs 24,104 crore
  • Forest Rights Act 2006 — individual and community forest rights

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Q.410 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Article 21 has been judicially expanded from a procedural safeguard into a charter of substantive rights. With reference to recent judgments on personal liberty and inclusive digital access, discuss.

Subtopic: Polity · Fundamental Rights

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Introduction: Article 21 has evolved from A.K. Gopalan (1950) to Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) reading 'procedure established by law' as 'fair, just and reasonable'.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) personal liberty — Pankaj Bansal v. Union of India (2023) on mandatory written grounds of arrest under Article 22; (ii) substantive expansion — right to privacy (Puttaswamy, 2017), right to die with dignity (Common Cause, 2018) and right to clean environment (M.C. Mehta cases); (iii) the 2025 Supreme Court ruling in Pragya Prasun v. Union of India recognising inclusive digital access as part of Article 21.

Way forward / Conclusion: The doctrinal arc shows judicial activism in writing positive obligations into a negatively framed right — a strength when backed by enforceable directions, a risk when courts substitute for the legislature.

Key points
  • A.K. Gopalan v. State of Madras (1950) — narrow reading
  • Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978) — fair, just and reasonable procedure
  • K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) — right to privacy
  • Common Cause v. Union of India (2018) — right to die with dignity
  • Pankaj Bansal v. Union of India (3 October 2023) — written grounds of arrest
  • Pragya Prasun v. Union of India (2025) — inclusive digital access
  • Article 22 read with Article 21 in arrest cases

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Q.510 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Tribunals were created to deliver speedy specialised justice but the L. Chandra Kumar judgment kept the High Courts as the ultimate constitutional check. Discuss.

Subtopic: Polity · Separation of Powers & Judicial Review

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Introduction: Articles 323A and 323B, inserted by the 42nd Amendment 1976, empower Parliament and State Legislatures to set up administrative and other tribunals, originally with appeals lying directly to the Supreme Court.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory base — Administrative Tribunals Act 1985 for CAT, and over fifteen subject tribunals; (ii) L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997) struck down clauses excluding High Court jurisdiction under Articles 226 and 227, restoring writ jurisdiction as a basic-structure feature; (iii) Tribunals Reforms Act 2021 abolished nine tribunals and standardised tenure and service conditions — Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021) struck down several provisions.

Way forward / Conclusion: A National Tribunals Commission (Justice R.C. Lahoti recommendation), separation of selection from administrative control, and clear procedural rules will deliver the original tribunal promise.

Key points
  • Articles 323A and 323B inserted by 42nd Amendment 1976
  • Administrative Tribunals Act 1985 — Central Administrative Tribunal
  • L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997) — High Court writ jurisdiction preserved
  • Tribunals Reforms Act 2021 — abolished nine tribunals
  • Madras Bar Association v. Union of India (2021) on tribunal tenure
  • Roger Mathew v. South Indian Bank (2019) on tribunals' independence
  • National Tribunals Commission recommended by 272nd Law Commission Report

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Q.610 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Pressure groups and civil-society associations are protected under Article 19(1)(c) but increasingly squeezed by regulatory frameworks. With reference to cooperative societies, farmer producer organisations and trade unions, comment.

Subtopic: Polity · Pressure Groups & Associations

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Introduction: Article 19(1)(c) protects the right to form associations and unions, subject to reasonable restrictions under Article 19(4); the 97th Constitutional Amendment Act 2011 made cooperative-society formation a fundamental right.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) cooperatives — Article 19(1)(c) right to form cooperatives, Part IXB (Articles 243ZH to 243ZT) struck down for States in Union of India v. Rajendra N. Shah (2021); Ministry of Cooperation set up 2021; National Cooperative Policy 2025; (ii) FPOs — Companies Act Section 581A category, Central Sector Scheme for 10,000 FPOs (2020) led by SFAC and NABARD; (iii) trade unions — Trade Unions Act 1926, Industrial Relations Code 2020 raising recognition threshold; All India Trade Union Congress and other federations facing eroded bargaining space.

Way forward / Conclusion: A facilitative-regulatory balance, judicially enforced under Article 19(1)(c), is the basis for healthy pluralism.

Key points
  • Article 19(1)(c) — right to form associations and unions
  • 97th Constitutional Amendment Act 2011 — cooperatives as fundamental right
  • Union of India v. Rajendra N. Shah (2021) — Part IXB inapplicable to State cooperatives
  • Ministry of Cooperation created 6 July 2021
  • National Cooperative Policy 2025 — Sahkar se Samriddhi vision
  • Central Sector Scheme for 10,000 FPOs (2020) — SFAC, NABARD, NCDC
  • Industrial Relations Code 2020 — recognition threshold for unions

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Q.710 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The 2026 redrawing of the Multidimensional Poverty Index by NITI Aayog has reopened the question of how India measures deprivation. Discuss.

Subtopic: Governance · Poverty & Hunger

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Introduction: The NITI Aayog National Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) uses the Alkire-Foster method developed at the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative; it has 12 indicators across health, education and standard of living.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) measurement framework — based on NFHS-4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21); MPI fell from 24.85 per cent in 2015-16 to 14.96 per cent in 2019-21, lifting about 13.5 crore out of multidimensional poverty; (ii) policy gaps — calorie-based poverty line (Tendulkar 2009, Rangarajan 2014) no longer drives PDS or DBT eligibility, leaving an outdated 2011-12 NSS line at the core; (iii) the proposed National Consumption Expenditure Survey 2022-23 results and the case for an updated Census-linked poverty line.

Way forward / Conclusion: A multidimensional, periodically updated poverty line aligned with SECC 2.0 and a transparent SDG-1 reporting framework would modernise India's poverty measurement.

Key points
  • NITI Aayog National Multidimensional Poverty Index — Alkire-Foster method
  • 12 indicators across health, education, standard of living
  • NFHS-4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21) base years
  • MPI fell from 24.85% in 2015-16 to 14.96% in 2019-21
  • About 13.5 crore lifted out of multidimensional poverty
  • Tendulkar Committee 2009 and Rangarajan Committee 2014 monetary poverty lines
  • Household Consumption Expenditure Survey 2022-23

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Q.810 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Social audit has emerged as a citizen-driven accountability tool. With reference to MGNREGA and the Meghalaya Community Participation Act 2017, evaluate.

Subtopic: Governance · Transparency & Accountability

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Introduction: Section 17 of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 mandates a social audit by the Gram Sabha at least once every six months; Meghalaya became the first State to enact a comprehensive social-audit law in 2017.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory base — MGNREGA Audit of Scheme Rules 2011 set the procedure; independent State Social Audit Units function across 28 States; Comptroller and Auditor General provides audit framework; (ii) Meghalaya Community Participation and Public Services Social Audit Act 2017 extended the model to all government schemes; (iii) gaps — under-staffed SSAUs, low Action Taken on findings, contractor capture at panchayat level.

Way forward / Conclusion: Statutory autonomy and budgetary security for SSAUs, time-bound Action Taken Reports under Section 17(3) MGNREGA, and replication of the Meghalaya 2017 Act in other States would deepen social-audit accountability.

Key points
  • Section 17 MGNREGA 2005 — six-monthly Gram Sabha social audit
  • MGNREGA Audit of Scheme Rules 2011
  • State Social Audit Units in 28 States
  • Meghalaya Community Participation and Public Services Social Audit Act 2017
  • CAG Auditing Standards for Social Audit 2016
  • Andhra Pradesh Society for Social Audit, Accountability and Transparency model
  • Right to Information Act 2005 — Section 4 proactive disclosure complement

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Q.910 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The role of the District Magistrate has been at the heart of Indian district administration since 1772, but the office is contested in a 21st-century democracy. Comment.

Subtopic: Governance · Role of Civil Services

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Introduction: The District Magistrate, traced to Warren Hastings's reorganisation in 1772, combines revenue, magisterial and coordination functions; the office is rooted in the All India Services Act 1951 and the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 (now BNSS 2023).

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory base — Section 14 BNSS / Section 20 CrPC empowers the State Government to appoint DMs; Land Revenue Codes, Disaster Management Act 2005 Section 25, and Representation of the People Act 1951 Section 13C (DM as District Election Officer) define the role; (ii) capture by political transfers — average tenure under 18 months according to Civil Services Survey (2010) and Hota Committee, despite T.S.R. Subramanian v. Union of India (2013); (iii) contemporary stress — Mission Karmayogi competencies, Aspirational Districts leadership, and the case for separating magisterial from developmental roles (2nd ARC Sixth Report).

Way forward / Conclusion: Fixed three-year tenure under Civil Services Boards, separation of policing/judicial functions consistent with Prakash Singh v. Union of India (2006), and a District Performance Index would modernise the colonial office for a constitutional republic.

Key points
  • District Magistracy traced to Warren Hastings 1772
  • All India Services Act 1951
  • Section 14 BNSS 2023 / Section 20 CrPC 1973 — appointment of DMs
  • Section 25 Disaster Management Act 2005 — DM as DDMA Chair
  • Representation of the People Act 1951 Section 13C — DM as District Election Officer
  • T.S.R. Subramanian v. Union of India (2013) on Civil Services Boards
  • 2nd ARC Sixth Report (Local Governance, 2007)

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Q.1010 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The Central Vigilance Commission and the Central Bureau of Investigation are India’s premier anti-corruption arms but their independence has been judicially defended more than legislatively secured. With reference to the Vineet Narain judgment, discuss.

Subtopic: Governance · Transparency & Accountability

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Introduction: The Central Vigilance Commission was set up on Santhanam Committee's recommendation in 1964 and given statutory status by the CVC Act 2003; the CBI operates under the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory architecture — CVC Act 2003 Section 4 (selection by PM, Home Minister, Leader of largest opposition party), Section 8 (powers); CBI Director appointment under Section 4A DSPE Act 1946; (ii) judicial scaffolding — Vineet Narain v. Union of India (1997) directed CVC to supervise CBI investigations, fixed two-year CBI Director tenure, struck down the 'single directive' requiring prior approval for senior public-servant investigation; that protection was statutorily restored as Section 17A by the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Act 2018; (iii) federalism — withdrawal of general consent under Section 6 DSPE Act by 9 States is curtailing CBI jurisdiction.

Way forward / Conclusion: Statutory CBI charter, independent prosecution wing, and a single-window appellate mechanism would consolidate the Vineet Narain protections.

Key points
  • Santhanam Committee Report 1964 — Central Vigilance Commission
  • CVC Act 2003 — statutory status
  • Delhi Special Police Establishment Act 1946 — CBI
  • Vineet Narain v. Union of India (1997)
  • Section 17A Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Act 2018
  • Section 4A DSPE Act — selection committee for CBI Director
  • Withdrawal of general consent under Section 6 DSPE Act by 9 States

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Q.1110 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016 promises a 4 percent job reservation and accessible infrastructure, but the Supreme Court’s Rajive Raturi judgment held that the law’s accessibility chapter was being treated as a discretionary favour. Examine.

Subtopic: Social Justice · Mechanisms, laws and institutions for protection of vulnerable sections

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Introduction: The RPwD Act 2016 is the Indian implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ratified by India on 1 October 2007, and the Rajive Raturi v. Union of India ruling on 8 November 2024 declared accessibility a fundamental right under Article 21.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Statutory architecture: 21 specified disabilities, social model definition, 4 percent reservation in government jobs (Section 34), 5 percent in higher education (Section 32), Chief Commissioner and State Commissioners as quasi-judicial enforcers; (ii) Implementation gap: only 8.73 percent of buses accessible per the Centre's own Rajive Raturi compliance affidavit; Sugamya Bharat Phase 1 targets missed; Census 2011 enumerates only 2.21 percent disabled against WHO's 16 percent global estimate; (iii) Compliance hearing on 11 February 2026 — the Court refused the Centre's plea to defer mandatory accessibility rules; vacancies in DEPwD and State Commissions persist.

Way forward / Conclusion: Notify enforceable accessibility rules under Section 40 with penalties, conduct a disability-inclusive Census 2027 with the Washington Group Short Set, fill commissioner vacancies and audit the 4 percent reservation backlog.

Key points
  • RPwD Act 2016 — 21 specified disabilities under Section 2(zc), social model, Schedule of conditions
  • Section 34 — 4 percent reservation in government jobs; Section 32 — 5 percent in higher education
  • UNCRPD ratified 1 October 2007; India a State Party
  • Rajive Raturi v. Union of India (8 November 2024) — accessibility a fundamental right under Article 21
  • Census 2011 — 2.21 percent disabled population, against WHO global estimate of about 16 percent
  • Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan (Accessible India Campaign) launched December 2015
  • Only 8.73 percent of buses accessible per Centre's compliance affidavit (February 2026 hearing)
  • Chief Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities and State Commissioners are quasi-judicial under Section 75

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Q.1210 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

India’s National Tuberculosis Elimination Programme set a 2025 elimination target, five years ahead of the SDG 3.3 deadline, yet WHO estimates India accounted for 26 percent of global TB cases in 2023. Examine the public-health design and the gaps.

Subtopic: Social Justice · Health

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Introduction: The National Tuberculosis Elimination Programme (NTEP), renamed from RNTCP in 2020, pursues India's 2025 elimination target under the National Strategic Plan 2017-25.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Architecture: Ni-kshay digital surveillance, Ni-kshay Poshan Yojana cash transfer of Rs 1,000 per month (raised in 2024) for nutritional support, free first-line and second-line drugs, BPaL/BPaLM oral regimen for MDR-TB; (ii) Burden: WHO Global TB Report 2024 — India had about 28 lakh TB cases and 3.15 lakh TB deaths in 2023, 26 percent of global incidence; MDR/RR-TB notifications around 75,000; (iii) Gaps: private-sector notification under-coverage, latent-TB infection screening only nascent, stock-outs of pediatric formulations and HIV-TB co-infection management.

Way forward / Conclusion: Universal active case finding in slums and tribal pockets, mandatory private-sector notification with conditional cash, and integration with PM-JAY for catastrophic-cost protection.

Key points
  • NTEP under National Strategic Plan 2017-25; 2025 elimination target (incidence below 1 per lakh)
  • WHO Global TB Report 2024 — India about 28 lakh cases, 3.15 lakh deaths in 2023, 26 percent of global burden
  • Ni-kshay portal for case notification; Ni-kshay Poshan Yojana DBT raised to Rs 1,000/month (November 2024)
  • BPaL/BPaLM oral regimen approved for DR-TB (2024)
  • MDR/RR-TB notifications about 75,000; AIDS-TB co-infection management under NACO-NTEP convergence
  • Pradhan Mantri TB Mukt Bharat Abhiyan (September 2022) — Ni-kshay Mitra community adoption
  • 100 Days Intensified TB Campaign launched December 2024 in 347 high-burden districts

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Q.1310 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

India’s female labour force participation rose from 23.3 percent in 2017-18 to 41.7 percent in 2023-24 per PLFS data, but most additions are in unpaid family labour and agriculture. Examine why a rise in counting has not become a rise in opportunity.

Subtopic: Social Justice · Human Resources

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Introduction: The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for 2023-24 (released 23 September 2024) shows female labour-force participation jumping from 23.3 percent (2017-18) to 41.7 percent — an 18-point rise.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Composition: women classified as 'helpers in household enterprises' more than doubled from 9.1 percent to 19.6 percent, and rural women's engagement in agriculture rose from 71.1 percent (2018-19) to 76.9 percent (2023-24); (ii) Pay gap: self-employed men earn about 2.8 times what self-employed women earn; regular salaried women earn 76 percent of male pay; (iii) Unpaid burden: NSO Time Use Survey 2024 — women spend 289 minutes/day on unpaid domestic work against men's 88 minutes.

Way forward / Conclusion: Public investment in the care economy (creches, eldercare, school meals) per the ILO 5R framework; enforce Code on Wages 2019 equal-pay clause; and operationalise Section 67 of Code on Social Security 2020 for women platform workers.

Key points
  • PLFS 2023-24 — female LFPR 41.7 percent vs 23.3 percent in 2017-18
  • 'Helpers in household enterprises' share doubled from 9.1 to 19.6 percent
  • Rural women in agriculture — 71.1 percent (2018-19) to 76.9 percent (2023-24)
  • Time Use Survey 2024 — 289 minutes/day unpaid domestic work for women vs 88 for men
  • Self-employed women earn about 36 percent of self-employed men; regular salaried women 76 percent
  • Code on Wages 2019 — Section 3 prohibits gender discrimination in pay
  • Care economy estimated at $300 billion opportunity, 60 million potential jobs by 2030 (Primus Partners)

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Q.1410 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has expanded to nine members with Iran and Belarus joining recently. Examine its relevance for India’s Eurasian strategy, with reference to the SCO Tianjin Summit (2025).

Subtopic: IR · Bilateral, regional and global groupings

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Introduction: The SCO, evolved from the Shanghai Five (1996), is a 9-member Eurasian security and economic bloc (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India (2017), Pakistan (2017), Iran (2023), Belarus (2024)).

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Tianjin Summit (31 August-1 September 2025) — PM Modi attended; SCO Tianjin Declaration covered terrorism, AI, energy; India did not endorse Belt and Road para; (ii) Counter-terrorism via Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS, Tashkent); India hosted the SCO Council of Heads of Government 2023 virtually after the Goa CFM; (iii) China-Russia dominance and Pakistan-India bilateral friction limit deliverables.

Way forward / Conclusion: Use SCO for Central Asia connectivity (INSTC, Chabahar, Ashgabat Agreement) and counter-terror intel via RATS; refuse BRI endorsements; preserve issue-based engagement with Russia and Iran.

Key points
  • SCO — 9 members; India and Pakistan joined 2017, Iran 2023, Belarus 2024
  • SCO Tianjin Summit 31 August-1 September 2025; PM Modi attended
  • India consistently refuses to endorse Belt and Road paragraphs in SCO joint statements
  • Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) at Tashkent for counter-terror coordination
  • SCO Charter 2002, Secretariat in Beijing
  • SCO Goa CFM 2023 hosted by India; virtual heads of government summit 2023
  • Combined GDP about 23 percent of global GDP; about 40 percent of world population

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Q.1510 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The G20 New Delhi Declaration (September 2023) was the first G20 consensus that did not name Russia, and it admitted the African Union as a permanent member. Examine its enduring impact on India’s global standing.

Subtopic: IR · Bilateral, regional and global groupings

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Introduction: India's G20 Presidency culminated in the New Delhi Leaders' Declaration (9-10 September 2023), built on the theme Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam — 'One Earth, One Family, One Future'.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Diplomatic wins: 100 percent consensus despite Ukraine war, AU membership as 21st permanent member, IMEC launched on the sidelines; (ii) Substantive deliverables: Global Biofuels Alliance, DPI as a public good (India Stack export), Voluntary SDG Action Plan, MDB reform agenda; (iii) Continuity: Brazil 2024 (Rio) carried forward, South Africa 2025, Trump's 2026 hosting in jeopardy after Russia-Iran tensions.

Way forward / Conclusion: Use Sherpa-track continuity to lock in DPI standards (Modular Open-Source Identity Platform), keep AU's permanent seat as Global South leverage, and push 2026 successor declaration on critical minerals governance.

Key points
  • G20 New Delhi Leaders' Declaration adopted 9-10 September 2023
  • First G20 consensus during a major-power war; did not name Russia
  • African Union admitted as permanent member (21st)
  • IMEC MoU signed 9 September 2023 on G20 sidelines
  • Global Biofuels Alliance launched (9 September 2023)
  • Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam theme — 'One Earth, One Family, One Future'
  • DPI declared a 'public good'; G20 Framework for DPI agreed
  • India hosted over 200 G20 meetings across 60 cities

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Q.1610 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) enters full reporting from 2026 and tariffs from January 2026 on six carbon-intensive sectors. Examine its implications for India’s exports and climate diplomacy.

Subtopic: IR · Effect of policies of developed/developing countries on India

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Introduction: The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), legislated under Regulation (EU) 2023/956, enters definitive phase from 1 January 2026, imposing a carbon levy on six sectors — iron and steel, aluminium, cement, fertilisers, electricity, hydrogen.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Trade exposure: India exported about $8.2 billion of CBAM-covered goods to EU in 2023-24, with iron-and-steel and aluminium most exposed; (ii) Equity argument: CBAM violates CBDR-RC principle of UNFCCC and Article 4 of the Paris Agreement; India and BASIC group oppose it as 'green protectionism'; (iii) Domestic response: India proposes its own Carbon Credit Trading Scheme (CCTS, 2023), Perform Achieve Trade (PAT) cycle credits, and a domestic carbon price to retain revenue.

Way forward / Conclusion: Bilateral CBAM-equivalence under the India-EU FTA (concluded 27 January 2026), accelerate hydrogen-based steel via National Green Hydrogen Mission, and contest CBAM at WTO under GATT Article XX(b)(g).

Key points
  • EU CBAM — Regulation (EU) 2023/956; transition Oct 2023-Dec 2025; full phase Jan 2026
  • Six sectors covered — iron and steel, aluminium, cement, fertilisers, electricity, hydrogen
  • India's CBAM-exposed exports about $8.2 billion (2023-24)
  • India-EU FTA negotiations concluded 27 January 2026
  • CCTS — Carbon Credit Trading Scheme, India (notified June 2023)
  • Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR-RC) under UNFCCC and Paris Agreement
  • BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, China) opposes CBAM
  • Potential WTO challenge under GATT Article XX(b)(g) and Article III

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Q.1710 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The IPCC AR6 Synthesis Report (March 2023) reaffirmed that limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius requires global emissions to peak before 2025. Examine India’s negotiation position at COP30 Belem in light of its updated NDC.

Subtopic: IR · Important International Institutions

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Introduction: The IPCC AR6 Synthesis Report (March 2023) warned that the 1.5 degree pathway requires global GHG emissions to peak before 2025 and decline 43 percent by 2030 (relative to 2019).

Body: Three dimensions — (i) India's Updated NDC (August 2022): 45 percent reduction in emissions intensity of GDP by 2030 (from 2005), 50 percent non-fossil installed capacity, net zero by 2070; LIFE (Lifestyle for Environment) added at COP27; (ii) COP30 Belem (November 2025) — India pushed CBDR-RC, Loss and Damage Fund operationalisation (post-COP28), and a Just Transition narrative; (iii) Domestic delivery: 232 GW renewable capacity (March 2026), Green Hydrogen Mission (Rs 19,744 crore), India SDG Index score 71/100 (NITI Aayog 2023-24).

Way forward / Conclusion: Submit NDC 3.0 in 2025-26 cycle, push Loss and Damage finance from developed countries ($300 billion New Collective Quantified Goal at COP29), and align CCTS with EU CBAM equivalence.

Key points
  • IPCC AR6 SYR — March 2023; 1.5 degree path needs peak before 2025
  • India Updated NDC (August 2022) — 45 percent emission-intensity reduction by 2030; 50 percent non-fossil capacity
  • Net Zero by 2070 (Glasgow COP26 announcement)
  • LIFE — Lifestyle for Environment, India initiative at COP27
  • COP30 Belem (Brazil, November 2025) hosted by Brazil
  • Loss and Damage Fund operationalised at COP28 Dubai (2023)
  • New Collective Quantified Goal — $300 billion per year by 2035 (COP29 Baku 2024)
  • India's installed renewable capacity 232 GW (March 2026); target 500 GW by 2030

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Q.1810 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The India Semiconductor Mission has approved five fabs and packaging units with Rs 76,000 crore in incentives. Examine the strategic logic and the limits of India’s chip strategy.

Subtopic: IR · Geoeconomics — semiconductors

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Introduction: The India Semiconductor Mission (December 2021) anchors Programme for Development of Semiconductors and Display Manufacturing Ecosystem in India with Rs 76,000 crore outlay, expanded under ISM 2.0 in 2024.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Approved units: Tata Electronics-PSMC fab in Dholera ($11 billion, 28 nm), Tata OSAT in Jagiroad, Micron OSAT in Sanand ($2.75 billion), Kaynes ATMP, CG Power-Renesas ATMP; (ii) Strategic logic: friend-shoring under US CHIPS Act 2022 dynamics, JIST trilateral with US and Japan, Quad Semiconductor Supply Chain Initiative; (iii) Limits: most approvals are packaging-assembly-test (OSAT) rather than leading-edge fabrication; talent gap of 250,000-300,000 engineers per the India Electronics and Semiconductor Association; capital-intensive long gestation.

Way forward / Conclusion: Move from 28 nm to 14 nm via Tata-PSMC roadmap, scale design-linked incentives for fabless start-ups under DLI scheme, and use iCET technology agreement for advanced lithography access.

Key points
  • India Semiconductor Mission — December 2021; Rs 76,000 crore (PLI + DLI)
  • Tata Electronics-PSMC fab Dholera — $11 billion, 28 nm
  • Micron OSAT Sanand — $2.75 billion (June 2023 approval)
  • Tata OSAT Jagiroad (Assam)
  • CG Power-Renesas-Stars Microelectronics ATMP
  • Design-Linked Incentive (DLI) scheme for fabless start-ups
  • Mostly OSAT/ATMP — not yet leading-edge fabrication
  • Quad Semiconductor Supply Chain Initiative; JIST (US-Japan-India) trilateral

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Q.1910 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

The Constituent Assembly was not fully representative in form, but it became representative in substance.” Discuss.

Subtopic: Polity and Governance

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Introduction → Constituent Assembly was not fully representative in form → Women (Hansa Mehta) → Conclusion
Key points
  • It was based on the Cabinet Mission plan approved by the parliament of
  • Members of the constituent assembly were not directly elected; they were indirectly elected by the members of provincial legislative assemblies
  • In 1945-46, elections for the provincial assemblies took place, in the elections, there was no mandate that these persons will also be electing the
  • The entire assembly was not even indirectly elected
  • We should not forget that at that time only five percent of Indians had the right to vote
  • In terms of social representativeness, 80% of the members were from upper caste, 25% were Brahmins
  • In around 70 years of its existence, constitution has been amended for more than 100 times

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Q.2010 marks · 150w 9 min Medium

Constitutional Morality is rooted in the constitution itself and is founded on its essential facets. Explain the doctrine of Constitutional Morality’ with the help of relevant judicial decisions.

Subtopic: Polity and Governance

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Introduction → Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) → Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018) → In Re → Sukanya Shantha v. Union of India (2024) → Conclusion
Key points
  • Preamble — Justice, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity as the constitutional value framework within which all power must operate
  • Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973): even the amendment procedure must conform to the Constitution's essential values
  • Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018): Constitutional morality must prevail over social morality
  • In Re: Bulldozer Justice (SC suo motu, 2024): SC held CM dictates: "The executive cannot be judge, jury and executioner."
  • Sukanya Shantha v. Union of India (2024): "Constitutionally, we are committed to the annihilation of caste." State prison manuals assigned sweeping and

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