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GS 2 · Practice archive

GS Paper 2 practice questions for UPSC Mains 2026.

Polity, Constitution, Governance, Social Justice and International Relations.

20 Qs / 250 marks426 questionsModel outlines included

GS Paper 2 · Tips & tricks

GS-2 — anchor every claim to an article, a judgment or a body

  1. Quote the Article number first.Article 200, Article 356, Article 14 — naming the constitutional provision in the first line of the body signals competence.
  2. Pair a judgment with the principle it laid down.S.R. Bommai (federalism), Kesavananda Bharati (basic structure), Vishaka (workplace harassment) — use them as shorthand, not lectures.
  3. Use the institution's real name.Not "election body" — Election Commission of India. Not "human rights body" — National Human Rights Commission. Not "the audit body" — CAG.
  4. For Governance, cite a real scheme + a real number.PM-KISAN beneficiaries, Aadhaar coverage %, MGNREGA person-days, DBT savings — concrete metrics anchor your point.
  5. IR answers need three verbs: convergence, divergence, balance.Every bilateral relationship has all three. Show all three in the same answer.
Q.110 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Critical minerals have become a tool of statecraft, not just inputs of industry. With reference to the gaps in India’s framework for securing rare earths and battery metals, discuss.

Subtopic: Governance · Critical Minerals & Resource Security

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Introduction: The Ministry of Mines notified a list of 30 critical minerals in 2023; China controls about 60% of rare earth mining and over 85% of refining.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) legal — MMDR (Amendment) Act 2023 brought lithium, cobalt and rare earths into Schedule VII for central auction; (ii) institutional — KABIL JV (NALCO-HCL-MECL) for overseas assets, lithium block exploration in Argentina (2024) and Australia, National Critical Mineral Mission announced January 2025 with Rs 16,300 crore outlay over seven years; (iii) external dependency — China's 2025 export controls on seven rare earth elements squeezed Indian EV and defence supply chains.

Way forward / Conclusion: A strategic-reserve law, a Minerals Security Partnership seat, recycling targets, and accelerated permitting in the J&K and Karnataka lithium belts.

Key points
  • Ministry of Mines list of 30 critical minerals (2023)
  • MMDR (Amendment) Act 2023 — Schedule VII and Section 17A(2) central auction
  • KABIL JV among NALCO, HCL and MECL
  • National Critical Mineral Mission January 2025 — Rs 16,300 crore over seven years
  • China controls about 60% of rare earth mining and over 85% of refining
  • Reasi (J&K) lithium reserve 5.9 million tonnes inferred (GSI, 2023)
  • Minerals Security Partnership (US-led, 2022) — India joined June 2023

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Q.210 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

The Ninth Schedule was designed to protect agrarian reform from judicial review but has become a refuge for laws of every kind. With reference to I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (2007), examine.

Subtopic: Polity · Constitutional Amendments & Judicial Review

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Introduction: The First Constitutional Amendment 1951 inserted Article 31B and the Ninth Schedule to insulate land-reform legislation from challenge under Articles 14, 19 and 31.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) expansion — the Schedule has grown from 13 entries in 1951 to 284, including SEBC reservations, Sick Textile Undertakings Act and the Tamil Nadu 69% reservation Act; (ii) judicial scrutiny — Waman Rao v. Union of India (1980) cut off blanket protection at 24 April 1973 (the date of Kesavananda Bharati); (iii) I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (2007) held that any Ninth Schedule law inserted after 24 April 1973 is open to challenge on basic-structure and fundamental-rights grounds.

Way forward / Conclusion: A constitutional convention that the Ninth Schedule is for agrarian reform only — and not a 'silencer' for politically inconvenient laws — would restore its original purpose.

Key points
  • Article 31B and Ninth Schedule inserted by First Constitutional Amendment 1951
  • Ninth Schedule contains 284 entries (as of 2025)
  • Waman Rao v. Union of India (1980) — protection only up to 24 April 1973
  • I.R. Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu (2007) — basic-structure review applies post-1973
  • Tamil Nadu Backward Classes, SCs and STs (Reservation of Seats) Act 1993 — placed in Ninth Schedule
  • First Constitutional Amendment 1951 enacted to protect zamindari abolition laws
  • Basic structure test laid down in Kesavananda Bharati (1973)

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Q.310 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Article 142 gives the Supreme Court a power ‘as is necessary for doing complete justice’ but its expansive use raises separation-of-powers questions. Comment.

Subtopic: Polity · Separation of Powers & Judicial Overreach

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Introduction: Article 142 vests in the Supreme Court the power to pass any order necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending before it; the same article and the Contempt of Courts Act 1971 also clothe its decree with enforceability.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) classical use — Union Carbide v. Union of India (1989) for the Bhopal settlement, Bandhua Mukti Morcha (1984) for bonded labour; (ii) expanded use — Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) writing workplace-harassment guidelines, the Ayodhya verdict (2019), and the State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu (April 2025) creating 'deemed assent'; (iii) the November 2025 Presidential Reference advisory pulled back from Article 142 used to manufacture executive consent.

Way forward / Conclusion: Article 142 is a residuary equity power, not a parallel legislature; the Bar Council of India v. Union of India (1981) caution against using it to override statutes is the right anchor.

Key points
  • Article 142 — complete justice
  • Union Carbide v. Union of India (1989) — Bhopal settlement
  • Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan (1997) — sexual-harassment guidelines
  • Ayodhya verdict M. Siddiq v. Mahant Suresh Das (2019)
  • State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu (April 2025)
  • Presidential Reference No. 1 of 2025 advisory opinion (20 November 2025)
  • Supreme Court Bar Association v. Union of India (1998) — Article 142 cannot override statutory provisions

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Q.410 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls is a statutory exercise under the Representation of the People Act 1950, but it has provoked concerns about voter exclusion. In the light of the 2025 Bihar SIR exercise, examine.

Subtopic: Polity · Representation of the People Act

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Introduction: The Special Intensive Revision is conducted under Section 21 of the Representation of the People Act 1950 read with Rules 25–31 of the Registration of Electors Rules 1960; the Election Commission ordered an SIR in Bihar in June 2025 before the 2025 Assembly polls.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) statutory base — Section 16 disqualifications (non-citizenship, of unsound mind, disqualified by RPA 1951), Section 21 special revision; the ECI must follow due process and publish draft rolls; (ii) Bihar 2025 exercise — over 65 lakh names initially flagged for non-availability of documents, raising Article 326 universal-adult-suffrage concerns; (iii) judicial scrutiny — the Supreme Court in Association for Democratic Reforms v. Election Commission (interim order, July–August 2025) directed acceptance of Aadhaar, ration card and EPIC as identity proof during SIR.

Way forward / Conclusion: SIR must remain a tool of inclusion, not exclusion; transparent draft publication, independent grievance redress, and door-to-door verification with named BLOs are the safeguards.

Key points
  • Section 21 RPA 1950 — preparation and revision of electoral rolls
  • Article 326 — universal adult suffrage
  • Registration of Electors Rules 1960
  • Section 16 RPA 1950 — disqualifications for registration
  • Bihar SIR ordered by ECI in June 2025 before October 2025 Assembly polls
  • Association for Democratic Reforms v. Election Commission (interim orders 2025)
  • Booth Level Officer mechanism for door-to-door verification

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Q.510 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

India’s demographic dividend is projected to close around 2046 even as the Sample Registration System 2024 reports a TFR of 2.0. Examine the implications for human-resource policy and skilling.

Subtopic: Social Justice · Human Resources

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Introduction: India's working-age (15-59) population peaks around 2041 and the demographic dividend window closes around 2046, when the over-60 cohort overtakes those under 14, per UNFPA 2023 and SRS 2024 data.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Demographic shift: TFR fell from 2.2 (SRS 2020) to 2.0 (SRS 2024), already below replacement; southern states have TFR below 1.7; (ii) Skills gap: India Skills Report 2024 — only 51.3 percent of graduates are employable; PMKVY 4.0 has trained around 1.4 crore but placement remains under 25 percent; (iii) Policy levers: National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme, ITI revamp (Rs 60,000 crore plan announced in Union Budget 2025-26), Skill India Digital Hub, and Atmanirbhar Skilled Employee-Employer Mapping (ASEEM) portal.

Way forward / Conclusion: Industry-linked dual-system apprenticeships (German model), align skilling with PLI-anchored sectors, expand female ITI seats, and integrate skilling outcomes into the 16th Finance Commission's grants framework.

Key points
  • Dividend window narrows by 2046; UNFPA 2023 projects 20.8 percent 60-plus population
  • TFR fell from 2.2 (SRS 2020) to 2.0 (SRS 2024) — at replacement level
  • Southern states (Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka) TFR below 1.7
  • India Skills Report 2024 — 51.3 percent of graduates employable
  • PMKVY 4.0 trained about 1.4 crore; placement under 25 percent
  • Union Budget 2025-26 announced Rs 60,000 crore ITI revamp scheme
  • PLFS 2023-24 youth (15-29) unemployment 10.2 percent
  • Skill India Digital Hub, ASEEM portal, NAPS for apprenticeships

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Q.610 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

The World Trade Organization’s Appellate Body has been paralysed since 2019 and the MC13 Abu Dhabi outcome (2024) did not restore it. Discuss the implications for India’s trade policy.

Subtopic: IR · Important International Institutions

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Introduction: The WTO's two-tier dispute settlement system (DSU 1994) has had a paralysed Appellate Body since December 2019, when the US blocked new judges. MC13 in Abu Dhabi (February 2024) failed to revive it.

Body: Three dimensions — (i) Paralysis impact: 'appeal into the void' tactic by losing parties; 30+ pending appeals as of 2025; Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) — 53 members, India outside; (ii) India's interests: WTO panel ruled against India in ICT tariffs case (April 2023); India's challenge to EU CBAM hinges on appellate review; (iii) Reform agenda: MC13 mandated 'fully and well-functioning DS system by 2024' but no progress; agriculture and Public Stockholding (PSH) permanent solution still pending.

Way forward / Conclusion: Join the MPIA pragmatically to protect interim rulings, push G20 trade ministers on DS reform, defend PSH at MC14 (Cameroon 2026), and use WTO TRIPS Section 31bis flexibility for pharma exports.

Key points
  • WTO Appellate Body paralysed since 11 December 2019
  • Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) — 53 members; India not a party
  • MC13 Abu Dhabi (26 February-2 March 2024) — failed to revive AB
  • Permanent solution to Public Stockholding (Bali 2013) still pending
  • WTO ICT tariffs case — India ruled to have violated MFN obligations (April 2023)
  • MC14 to be hosted by Cameroon in March 2026
  • DSU Article 17 — Appellate Body must have 7 members
  • 'Appeal into the void' — losing party files dummy appeal to suspend panel ruling

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Q.710 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Sovereignty today does not mean isolation from the world — it means the capacity to engage with it on one’s own terms.” In the light of India’s constitutional commitments and foreign policy practice, examine this statement.

Subtopic: Polity and Governance

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Introduction → What Sovereignty Means Constitutionally → MSP and PDS → Conclusion
Key points
  • Sovereignty = internal supremacy + external independence
  • Sovereignty today does not mean isolation from the world: BECAUSE ITS NOT VIABLE
  • The rise of international trade and capital markets: prevent nation states from pursuing independent macroeconomic policies
  • Rise of international organizations (IO)
  • A "new" international law, generated in part by these organizations, has placed limitations on the independent conduct of domestic policies
  • Non-state actors have come to influence the content and scope of many different kinds of international law, perhaps most so in the area of customary
  • Multi-alignment as strategic sovereignty (Strategic autonomy): No single bloc owns India's foreign policy

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Q.810 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Section 152 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita has replaced the word ‘sedition’ but not its constitutional concerns.” Examine in light of Article 19(1)(a) and relevant judicial standards.

Subtopic: Polity and Governance

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Introduction → Pre BNS Sedition law → Constitutional concerns still replicated by BNS S152 → Conclusion
Key points
  • Section 124A IPC: Criminalised "disaffection" toward the government including hatred, contempt, or exciting disaffection
  • Constitutional concerns identified by courts:
  • Text of Section 152 BNS: Criminalises any act that "excites or attempts to excite secession, armed rebellion or subversive activities, or encourages
  • What changed: The word "sedition" and the colonial framing of "disaffection toward the government" are gone
  • No definition of "subversive activities" — as undefined as "disaffection"
  • No definition of "encourages feelings of separatist activities" — broader than the old "disaffection"
  • No requirement of actual or imminent violence — "encourages feelings" criminalises ideational expression

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Q.910 marks · 200w 14 min Hard

Recent directives from Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas are perceived by the ‘Nagas’ as a threat to override the exceptional status enjoyed by the State. Discuss in light of Article 371A of the Indian Constitution.

Subtopic: Constitution & Polity · special provisions — Article 371A (Nagaland)

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Introduction → Article 371A guarantees and their origin in the 16-point agreement → the petroleum directives dispute: Entry 53 Union List versus 'land and its resources' → Nagaland's 2012 petroleum regulations and the trust deficit → way forward: consultation and revenue-sharing → Conclusion
Key points
  • Article 371A (13th Amendment, 1962; rooted in the 1960 16-point agreement) bars Acts of Parliament on Naga religious/social practices, customary law, justice under customary law, and ownership and transfer of land and its resources, unless the state Assembly resolves otherwise.
  • The Centre's position: petroleum is a Union subject — Entry 53 of the Union List and the Oilfields (Regulation and Development) Act, 1948 — so ministry directives apply nationwide.
  • The Naga position: 'land and its resources' includes sub-soil minerals; Nagaland framed its own Petroleum and Natural Gas Regulations, 2012, claiming licensing and royalty powers.
  • Trigger: attempts to revive exploration dormant since ONGC left the Changpang oilfields (Wokha district) in 1994.
  • The perceived override deepened the trust deficit amid the Naga peace process; the constitutional ambiguity remains judicially unresolved.
  • Way forward: negotiated, Assembly-backed exploration framework with revenue-sharing for landowners and tribal councils — treating 371A as a federal compact, not an obstacle.

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Q.1010 marks · 200w 14 min Hard

‘The Supreme Court of India keeps a check on arbitrary power of the Parliament in amending the Constitution.’ Discuss critically.

Subtopic: Constitution & Polity · amending power and the basic structure doctrine

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Introduction → early phase: Shankari Prasad and Sajjan Singh give Parliament a free hand → Golak Nath and the 24th Amendment tussle → Kesavananda Bharati: the basic structure balance → the doctrine applied: 1975, 1980, 2007, 2015 → critical appraisal: counter-majoritarian yet necessary → Conclusion
Key points
  • Shankari Prasad (1951) and Sajjan Singh (1965): amendments are not 'law' under Article 13 — no judicial check on Article 368.
  • Golak Nath (1967) barred amendment of Fundamental Rights; Parliament countered with the 24th Amendment (1971).
  • Kesavananda Bharati (1973): Parliament may amend any part of the Constitution but cannot destroy its basic structure — the operative check ever since.
  • Applications: Indira Nehru Gandhi (1975, Article 329A(4) struck), Minerva Mills (1980, Article 368(4)-(5) struck), Waman Rao (1981), I.R. Coelho (2007, Ninth Schedule), NJAC verdict (2015, 99th Amendment).
  • Criticism: the doctrine is judge-made and open-ended, counter-majoritarian, and creates uncertainty about what counts as 'basic'.
  • Defence: the Emergency and the 42nd Amendment demonstrated the danger of unlimited constituent power; the check targets abuse of amendment, not amendment itself.

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Q.1110 marks · 200w 14 min Hard

The concept of Mid Day Meal (MDM) scheme is almost a century old in India with early beginnings in Madras Presidency in pre-independent India. The scheme has again been given impetus in most states in the last two decades. Critically examine its twin objectives, latest mandates and success.

Subtopic: Social Justice · welfare schemes — Mid Day Meal / PM POSHAN

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Introduction → evolution: Madras Corporation 1925 to NP-NSPE 1995 to PM POSHAN 2021 → twin objectives: education and nutrition → latest mandates: NFSA 2013 norms, expanded coverage, fortification → successes with evidence → critical gaps: safety, discrimination, funds → Conclusion
Key points
  • Twin objectives: education (enrolment, retention, attendance) and nutrition, with social equalisation through common dining as an implicit third objective.
  • Lineage: Madras Corporation (1925) → NP-NSPE (1995) → cooked meals after the PUCL (2001) Supreme Court orders → NFSA 2013 statutory entitlement → PM POSHAN (2021).
  • Current norms: 450 kcal/12 g protein (primary) and 700 kcal/20 g (upper primary); roughly 11–12 crore children covered — the world's largest school feeding programme.
  • Evidence of success: higher attendance and retention, strongest for girls and disadvantaged groups; drought-time nutrition protection; a site of caste-mixing.
  • Critical failures: the 2013 Saran (Bihar) tragedy (23 deaths), caste discrimination incidents, delayed funds and cook honoraria, weak quality monitoring.
  • Balanced verdict: stronger educational than nutritional impact — needs safety protocols, social audits and convergence with Saksham Anganwadi and Poshan 2.0.

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Q.1210 marks · 200w 14 min Hard

The Central Government frequently complains on the poor performance of the State Governments in eradicating suffering of the vulnerable sections of the society. Restructuring of Centrally sponsored schemes across the sectors for ameliorating the cause of vulnerable sections of population aims at providing flexibility to the States in better implementation. Critically evaluate.

Subtopic: Governance · Centrally sponsored schemes and Centre–State flexibility

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Introduction → why CSS restructuring was needed (proliferation, one-size-fits-all) → flexibility gains for States (consolidation, flexi-funds, higher devolution) → critical evaluation (cost-shifting, surviving conditionalities, capacity gaps) → Conclusion
Key points
  • CSS proliferation (about 147 schemes by 2013) caused fragmentation, thin spreading of funds and rigid one-size-fits-all guidelines.
  • Chaturvedi Committee (2011) led to consolidation to 66 schemes (2013); the Sub-Group of Chief Ministers (2015) produced 28 umbrella schemes with core/optional classification.
  • Flexi-funds raised to 25% and the 14th Finance Commission devolution hike (32% to 42%) expanded State fiscal autonomy.
  • Counterpoint: revised sharing patterns (60:40) shifted costs to States; conditionalities, branding norms and SNA fund-flow controls persist.
  • Implementation frictions: delayed central releases, matching-share burden on poorer States, weak district planning capacity.
  • A 'critically evaluate' answer must weigh flexibility gains against the centralisation that survives, closing with a cooperative-federalism way forward.

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Q.1310 marks · 200w 14 min Hard

The proposed withdrawal of International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan in 2014 is fraught with major security implications for the countries of the region. Examine in light of the fact that India is faced with a plethora of challenges and needs to safeguard its own strategic interests.

Subtopic: International Relations · Afghanistan, regional security and India's interests

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Introduction (ISAF drawdown, December 2014) → regional security implications → India-specific challenges (investments, personnel, access, Kashmir spillover) → steps to safeguard strategic interests → hindsight from 2021 → Conclusion
Key points
  • The ISAF combat mission ended in December 2014; the residual Resolute Support mission left Afghan forces overstretched against a resurgent Taliban.
  • Regional fallout: terror safe havens (LeT, JeM), Pakistan's 'strategic depth' doctrine, Golden Crescent narcotics financing militancy, Central Asian instability.
  • India-specific stakes: over $3 billion of development projects (Zaranj-Delaram highway, Salma Dam, Parliament building) and personnel security after the Herat consulate attack (2014).
  • Connectivity constraint: Pakistan denies overland transit, making Chabahar India's strategic answer for Afghan access.
  • Policy toolkit: 2011 Strategic Partnership Agreement, training of Afghan forces, Heart of Asia diplomacy, coordination with Iran and Russia.
  • Hindsight strengthens the answer: the August 2021 Taliban takeover validated the premise; India now engages through humanitarian aid and a technical mission without recognition.

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Q.1410 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

“The local self-government system in India has not proved to be effective instrument of governance.” Critically examine the statement and give your views to improve the situation.

Subtopic: Constitution & Polity · local self-government

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Introduction: 73rd/74th Amendments as the constitutional promise → grounds supporting the statement: incomplete devolution of funds, functions, functionaries → counter-evidence: democratic deepening and delivery successes → views to improve: fiscal empowerment, activity mapping, capacity building → Conclusion
Key points
  • Constitutional basis: 73rd/74th Amendments (1992), Parts IX and IX-A, Eleventh Schedule (29 subjects) and Twelfth Schedule (18 subjects).
  • Core weakness — incomplete devolution of funds, functions and functionaries; line departments and parallel bodies bypass elected local governments.
  • Fiscal infirmity: negligible own-source revenue, delayed and ignored State Finance Commissions, grant dependence undermining autonomy.
  • Capacity deficits: staff vacancies, weak planning capability, proxy representation (sarpanch-pati), and postponed local elections in some states.
  • Counter-evidence: 32 lakh+ elected representatives, about 46% women, 50% reservation in 20+ states — deepest democratisation anywhere.
  • Success stories: Kerala People's Plan Campaign, participatory budgeting, e-GramSwaraj, SVAMITVA property records.
  • Reforms: activity mapping, untied 15th FC local grants (Rs 4.36 lakh crore for 2021-26), property tax modernisation, regular SFCs, RGSA capacity building, empowered Gram Sabhas.

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Q.1510 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Critically examine the Supreme Court’s judgement on ‘National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014’ with reference to appointment of judges of higher judiciary in India.

Subtopic: Judiciary · judicial appointments

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Introduction → Fourth Judges case: 99th Amendment and NJAC Act struck down 4:1 → Court's basic-structure reasoning on judicial primacy → Critical evaluation: independence protected vs accountability and transparency deficits → Way forward: reformed, transparent appointments → Conclusion
Key points
  • Fourth Judges case (2015): 99th Amendment and NJAC Act, 2014 struck down 4:1 as violative of the basic structure
  • Judicial independence and primacy in appointments held integral to the basic structure
  • NJAC composition (CJI + 2 judges + Law Minister + 2 eminent persons) with a two-member veto risked executive dominance
  • Justice Chelameswar's dissent highlighted collegium opacity and absence of accountability
  • Criticism: judicial primacy not in Article 124's text; collegium lacks criteria, transparency and diversity
  • Memorandum of Procedure revision still unresolved; appointment delays continue the Centre-judiciary tussle

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Q.1610 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

There is a growing divergence in the relationship between poverty and hunger in India. The shrinking of social expenditure by the government is forcing the poor to spend more on non-food essential items squeezing their food-budget. — Elucidate.

Subtopic: Social Justice · poverty, hunger and the food budget squeeze

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Introduction (poverty falls, hunger persists — GHI 105/127) → state retreat makes health and education unavoidable private costs → out-of-pocket shocks squeeze the food budget → declining calorie intake despite falling poverty; dietary quality gap → PDS protects cereals, not nutrition → Conclusion (restore social spending, diversify food security)
Key points
  • The divergence: official poverty declines while GHI 2024 ranks India 105/127 ('serious'); NFHS-5 shows 19.3% wasting and 57% anaemia among women.
  • State retreat converts health, education, transport and housing into compulsory private spending that outranks food in the poor household's budget.
  • Out-of-pocket health expenditure is roughly half of total health spending; one hospitalisation triggers food cuts and indebtedness.
  • NSS rounds recorded falling calorie intake among the poor even as poverty ratios fell — the 'food budget squeeze' thesis (Utsa Patnaik).
  • The PDS secures cereals but not proteins and micronutrients; food inflation prices dietary quality out of reach, producing hidden hunger.
  • Remedies: higher social-sector spending, a diversified NFSA basket (pulses, millets, fortification), Ayushman Bharat and PM-POSHAN.

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Q.1710 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

The judicial systems in India and UK seem to be converging as well as diverging in recent times. Highlight the key points of convergence and divergence between the two nations in terms of their judicial practices.

Subtopic: Judiciary · comparative judicial systems (India-UK)

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Introduction → Shared common-law foundations → Convergence: institutional separation (UKSC), judicial review of executive action, rights adjudication and proportionality → Divergence: parliamentary sovereignty versus constitutional supremacy, appointments, remedial powers and structure → Conclusion
Key points
  • Common inheritance: common law, adversarial procedure, precedent and judicial independence bind the two systems historically.
  • Convergence 1: Constitutional Reform Act, 2005 / UK Supreme Court (2009) moved Britain toward Indian-style separation of the judiciary from the legislature.
  • Convergence 2: expanding UK judicial review of the executive — Miller (2017) and the prorogation case (2019) — mirrors Indian activism.
  • Convergence 3: proportionality and rights review under the Human Rights Act, 1998 parallels Part III adjudication; both liberalised standing and tribunalised.
  • Divergence 1: parliamentary sovereignty (declarations of incompatibility only) versus constitutional supremacy with basic-structure review in India.
  • Divergence 2: independent Judicial Appointments Commission in the UK versus India's collegium after the NJAC verdict (2015).
  • Divergence 3: India's integrated single hierarchy and Articles 32/136/142 remedies versus the UK's plural jurisdictions and narrower remedial toolkit.

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Q.1810 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Critically examine the role of WHO in providing global health security during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Subtopic: International Relations · global health governance

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Introduction (WHO mandate under IHR 2005) → positive contributions (PHEIC declaration, technical guidance, COVAX, Solidarity trials) → failures (delayed alarm, deference to China, weak IHR powers) → structural constraints (earmarked funding, US withdrawal) → reform trajectory (IPPPR, IHR amendments 2024, Pandemic Agreement 2025) → Conclusion
Key points
  • Answer the directive: 'critically examine' requires both the WHO's contributions and its failures, ending with a reasoned judgment.
  • Contributions: PHEIC on 30 January 2020, pandemic declaration on 11 March 2020, universal technical guidance, Solidarity trials, ACT-Accelerator.
  • COVAX (with Gavi and CEPI) delivered close to 2 billion doses to low- and middle-income countries — the largest vaccine-sharing effort in history, yet short of targets.
  • Failures: delayed alarm, deference to early Chinese reporting, initial advice against travel curbs.
  • Structural constraints: IHR 2005 gives no inspection or enforcement powers; ~80% of funding is earmarked voluntary contributions; the 2020 US withdrawal announcement hit finances and legitimacy.
  • Reform trajectory: IPPPR report, IHR amendments (2024), WHO Pandemic Agreement adopted at the 78th World Health Assembly (May 2025).

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Q.1910 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Critically analyse India’s evolving diplomatic, economic and strategic relations with the Central Asian Republics (CARs) highlighting their increasing significance in regional and global geopolitics.

Subtopic: International Relations · India and Central Asian Republics

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Introduction (CARs and extended neighbourhood) → diplomatic ties → economic ties → strategic ties → constraints → geopolitical significance → Conclusion
Key points
  • CARs (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan) are India's extended neighbourhood.
  • 'Connect Central Asia' policy (2012); first India-Central Asia Summit (January 2022); India-Central Asia Dialogue.
  • Energy and resources: Kazakh uranium, TAPI gas pipeline, critical minerals.
  • Connectivity via Chabahar port, INSTC and the Ashgabat Agreement.
  • Strategic cooperation on counter-terrorism; presence at Farkhor/Ayni in Tajikistan.
  • Constraints: no direct land access (Pakistan), China's BRI dominance, Russian influence.
  • Growing geopolitical significance for energy security and regional stability.

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Q.2010 marks · 150w 9 min Hard

Discuss the ‘corrupt practices’ for the purpose of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Analyze whether the increase in the assets of the legislators and/or their associates, disproportionate to their known sources of income, would constitute ‘undue influence’ and consequently a corrupt practice.

Subtopic: Constitution & Polity · Representation of the People Act & corrupt practices

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Introduction → Enumerate corrupt practices under Section 123, RPA 1951 with consequences (Sections 100, 8A) → Define undue influence under Section 123(2) → Apply Krishnamoorthy (2015) and Lok Prahari (2018) to disproportionate asset growth → Distinguish mere asset increase from concealment or false affidavit → Conclusion
Key points
  • Section 123, RPA 1951 lists corrupt practices: bribery, undue influence, appeals to religion/race/caste/community/language, promoting enmity, false statements on personal character, free conveyance of voters, expenditure beyond Section 77 limits, assistance of government servants, booth capturing.
  • Consequences: election declared void under Section 100(1)(b); disqualification up to six years under Section 8A on the Election Commission's opinion given to the President.
  • Undue influence (Section 123(2)) means direct or indirect interference with the free exercise of any electoral right by the candidate, his agent, or any person with the candidate's consent.
  • Union of India v. ADR (2002): the voter's right to know assets, liabilities and antecedents of candidates flows from Article 19(1)(a) — the doctrinal bridge to undue influence.
  • Krishnamoorthy v. Sivakumar (2015): suppression of material information in the affidavit interferes with the voter's free choice and constitutes undue influence, hence a corrupt practice.
  • Lok Prahari v. Union of India (2018): mandated disclosure of sources of income of candidates, spouses and associates, and flagged unexplained disproportionate asset growth of legislators for monitoring.
  • Nuance the examiner rewards: asset increase per se is not a corrupt practice; it becomes undue influence only when concealed or falsely declared — false affidavits are separately punishable under Section 125A, which is not itself a corrupt practice.

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