GS Paper 2 practice questions for UPSC Mains 2026.

• 101st CAA, 2016 inserted Article 246A (concurrent GST power), Article 269A (IGST on inter-state trade) and Article 279A (GST Council).
• Subsumed about 17 indirect taxes and multiple cesses into a destination-based tax, creating a common national market with e-way bills and input-tax credit ending cascading.
• GST Council's weighted voting — Centre one-third, states two-thirds, three-fourths threshold — forces consensus; voting has been used only once (lottery, December 2019).
• Five-year compensation at guaranteed 14% revenue growth was the accommodative bargain that brought states on board; it lapsed in June 2022.
• Mohit Minerals v. UOI (2022): Council recommendations are not binding; Court described Indian federalism under GST as “cooperative dialogue”.
• Counter-view: Centre's one-third share acts as a veto, states lost fiscal autonomy, compensation delays bred distrust, and the Article 279A(11) dispute mechanism is yet to be set up.
• Balanced verdict: accommodative in structure and mostly in practice, but the spirit needs institutional deepening.

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• Two-fold structure: standing committees (financial, 24 DRSCs since 1993, housekeeping committees) and ad hoc committees (select/joint committees, JPCs).
• PAC: 22 members, opposition chairperson by convention since 1967, examines CAG audit reports — the sharpest ex-post check on public spending.
• Estimates Committee (30 Lok Sabha members, 1950) recommends economies and administrative reform; CoPU (1964) oversees public sector undertakings.
• Institutionalisation mechanisms: year-round functioning, whip-free consensual working across parties, Action Taken Replies, and accumulated financial expertise.
• PAC's work on the 2G spectrum and coal-block allocation audits showed committees can force accountability where floor debate cannot.
• Limits: advisory recommendations, post-facto and policy-excluded PAC mandate, weak technical staff, and collapsing bill referrals (71% in 15th LS to about 16% in 17th LS — PRS).
• Reform direction: mandatory referral of major bills, dedicated research wings, public engagement with committee reports.

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• Reframe the statement: targeting is classification, and Article 14 permits reasonable classification with intelligible differentia and rational nexus — differentiation is not per se discrimination.
• Articles 15(3), 15(4), 16(4) and 46 constitutionally mandate special provisions for women, children, backward classes, SCs and STs — protective discrimination is a design feature.
• State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas: affirmative action is a facet of equality (substantive equality), not an exception to it.
• Targeting is fiscally rational — NFSA's 75/50 coverage, PM-JAY's SECC deprivation criteria — concentrating scarce resources on the excluded.
• Legitimate criticisms: exclusion errors from stale data, stigma of labelled benefits, competitive backwardness (Maratha/Jat/Patidar demands), and absence of exit or graduation criteria.
• Universal versus targeted debate: universal basic services eliminate targeting errors but dilute redistribution; a calibrated mix is defensible.
• Conclusion stance: partially agree — discriminatory in approach, egalitarian in purpose; refine targeting rather than abandon it.

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• Distinguish supply from absorption: PMKVY's 1.4 crore-plus trainees expanded certified supply, but placement stayed near 20–25% for short-term courses.
• Education→skill linkage: foundational learning determines trainability; NEP 2020 mandates vocational exposure from Class 6 and vocational education for 50% of learners by 2025.
• Skill→employment linkage works only when demand-led: Sector Skill Councils, NAPS/NATS apprenticeships and RPL connect training to real workplaces.
• Only about 4–5% of India's workforce is formally skilled (PLFS), versus 50–90% in East Asian comparators.
• Inverse education–employment paradox: unemployment is highest among graduates, evidence of degree–demand mismatch.
• India Skills Report: only about half of graduates are employable — the employability gap sits between education and skilling.
• Fixes: dual (German-style) apprenticeship model, National Credit Framework mobility between vocational and general education, district skill-gap mapping.

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• Take a clear, qualified position: broadly agree — a strong West benefits India — while flagging the Russia and autonomy caveats.
• NATO's Strategic Concept 2022 designated China a “systemic challenge”, aligning transatlantic threat perception with India's primary strategic concern.
• European burden-sharing releases American capacity for the Indo-Pacific, indirectly strengthening the Quad and deterrence in Asia.
• India's flagship gains from the West — iCET, India–EU TTC, EU FTA talks, GE jet-engine and defence-industrial cooperation — presuppose a cohesive, confident US–Europe partnership.
• Counterpoint: NATO expansion deepened the Russia–China embrace, eroding India's Russia hedge and its defence supply security.
• Bloc pressure over Ukraine, sanctions exposure (CAATSA/S-400) and price-cap politics show how transatlantic unity can constrain Indian choices.
• India's declared position: partnership without alliance — it declined interest in a NATO-plus arrangement, preserving strategic autonomy through multi-alignment.

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• Decode the quote: oceans as planetary life-support (70% of surface, climate regulation) and economic artery (80%-plus of world trade by volume) — hence governing the sea is governing a global commons.
• IMO identity: UN specialised agency for the safety, security and environmental performance of shipping; 176 members; India a member since 1959 and a repeatedly elected Council member.
• Environment: MARPOL annexes, the 0.5% global sulphur cap (IMO 2020), and the 2023 GHG Strategy targeting net-zero shipping emissions by or around 2050.
• Ship-cycle regulation: Ballast Water Management Convention against invasive species; Hong Kong Convention on ship recycling, in force 2025 and directly relevant to Alang.
• Safety architecture: SOLAS 1974, COLREGs, STCW standards for seafarers, and the SAR Convention's coordinated rescue regions.
• Security architecture: ISPS Code after 9/11, Djibouti Code of Conduct and Jeddah Amendment against piracy, and maritime cyber-risk guidelines.
• India dimension: IMO conventions implemented through merchant shipping law; India's SAGAR/MAHASAGAR vision and naval anti-piracy deployments complement IMO goals.

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• Reforms needed against money power, criminalisation and continuous election cycles.
• Dinesh Goswami (1990), Vohra (1993), Indrajit Gupta (1998) committees and Law Commission 255th Report (2015).
• Ram Nath Kovind High-Level Committee (2024) recommended simultaneous elections.
• Benefits: lower expenditure, less MCC disruption, reduced administrative/security burden, governance focus.
• Needs amendments to Articles 83, 85, 172, 174 and 356 and wide state consensus.
• Concerns over federalism, accountability and national issues eclipsing state ones.
• Way forward: broad consultation balancing efficiency with federal, accountable democracy.

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• Both are ADR mechanisms advancing access to justice under Article 39A and reducing pendency.
• Lok Adalats are statutory under the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, and work by compromise.
• A Lok Adalat award is a deemed civil-court decree, final, binding and non-appealable.
• Arbitration Tribunals operate under the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996, based on an arbitration agreement.
• Arbitral awards are adjudicatory and enforceable as decrees, challengeable only under Section 34.
• Lok Adalats handle civil disputes and compoundable criminal cases, not non-compoundable offences.
• Arbitration Tribunals handle only civil/commercial disputes and never criminal cases.
• Permanent Lok Adalats (Section 22-B) cover public-utility service disputes.

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• The Cabinet is the real executive and nucleus of the parliamentary system.
• Command of a disciplined majority lets it dominate the legislative agenda.
• The anti-defection law and party whip curtail legislators' independence.
• Ordinances, money bills and the guillotine bypass detailed scrutiny.
• Declining sitting days weaken deliberation and oversight.
• Collective responsibility and no-confidence motions retain accountability.
• Question Hour, debates and Standing Committees preserve scrutiny.
• Parliament still confers the Cabinet's legitimacy, so supremacy is eroded, not abolished.

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• The CAG is established under Articles 148-151 as guardian of the public purse.
• Regularity/legality audit checks lawful sanction and authority for spending.
• Propriety audit tests wisdom, economy and public interest beyond mere legality.
• It flags wasteful, extravagant or improper expenditure even when technically legal.
• Performance and value-for-money audits extend propriety to outcomes.
• CAG reports (2G, coal) illustrate propriety-based scrutiny of flawed processes.
• The CAG is 'friend, philosopher and guide' of the Public Accounts Committee.
• Its recommendatory, post-facto nature makes legislative follow-up essential.

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• The 73rd/74th Amendments created a constitutional third tier under Parts IX and IX-A.
• Local bodies enable participatory planning and responsive service delivery (subsidiarity).
• Gram Sabhas and social audits strengthen transparency and accountability.
• Merging can address the rural-urban continuum and mis-governed census towns.
• Pooled resources aid peri-urban planning and infrastructure.
• Distinct rural and urban functions and revenue bases risk a functional mismatch on merger.
• Merger may dilute the Panchayati Raj ethos and Gram Sabha democracy.
• PESA and Fifth Schedule protections complicate uniform merger in tribal areas.

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• Charitable trusts mobilise private resources for public purposes in vital sectors.
• They fill gaps in education, health, skilling and disaster relief for the underserved.
• They pilot innovations later scaled by government and channel CSR funds.
• Flexibility and local trust give them last-mile reach the State lacks.
• They build social capital and empower marginalised communities.
• Risks include opacity, fund misuse, FCRA violations and elite capture.
• Strong registration, audit and regulatory oversight are needed as safeguards.
• They are most effective in accountable partnership with, not as substitute for, the State.

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• Poverty and malnutrition form a self-reinforcing intergenerational cycle.
• Undernutrition in the first 1,000 days causes irreversible cognitive/physical deficits.
• NFHS-5 shows high stunting, wasting and anaemia, signalling the scale of the problem.
• POSHAN Abhiyaan and Anganwadis must target early childhood and maternal nutrition.
• Food security via NFSA, PDS and PM POSHAN underpins the response.
• Fortification and dietary diversity address hidden hunger/micronutrient deficiency.
• WASH investments cut infection-driven malnutrition.
• Women's education, health and household incomes are decisive cross-cutting levers.

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• Democratic governance needs both real integrity and its credible public perception.
• Integrity, like justice, must be seen to be maintained to command legitimacy.
• Positive perception sustains trust, voluntary compliance and institutional authority.
• It lowers corruption tolerance and the transaction costs of governance.
• Corruption, opacity, arbitrariness and politicisation erode credibility.
• Transparency tools (RTI, e-governance, disclosure) rebuild trust.
• Accountability mechanisms (Citizen's Charters, Lokpal, asset declarations) reinforce it.
• The Second ARC stresses ethical, citizen-centric administration as governance bedrock.

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• 'China+1' diversification drives the West to court India economically and strategically.
• PLI schemes drew Apple/Foxconn to assemble iPhones in India.
• The Supply Chain Resilience Initiative (India-Japan-Australia) targets diversification.
• Micron's Sanand plant reflects semiconductor supply-chain shifts.
• The Quad, iCET and IPEF anchor India in Indo-Pacific balancing of China.
• Defence-tech deals (GE engines, drones) deepen strategic alignment.
• India retains strategic autonomy via Russia ties, BRICS and the SCO.
• India leverages Western courtship for development, not a formal alliance.

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• CARs (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan) are India's extended neighbourhood.
• 'Connect Central Asia' policy (2012); first India-Central Asia Summit (January 2022); India-Central Asia Dialogue.
• Energy and resources: Kazakh uranium, TAPI gas pipeline, critical minerals.
• Connectivity via Chabahar port, INSTC and the Ashgabat Agreement.
• Strategic cooperation on counter-terrorism; presence at Farkhor/Ayni in Tajikistan.
• Constraints: no direct land access (Pakistan), China's BRI dominance, Russian influence.
• Growing geopolitical significance for energy security and regional stability.

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• Enacted to prevent unfair means and organised malpractice in public examinations; in force June 2024.
• Aims to protect merit, deter leak mafias, and restore credibility of recruitment/entrance tests.
• Broadly defines 'unfair means': paper/answer-key leaks, impersonation, tampering, unauthorised access.
• Individual offences: 3-5 years' jail and fines up to Rs 10 lakh.
• Organised crime: 5-10 years' jail, minimum Rs 1 crore fine, property attachment; offences cognizable and non-bailable.
• Applies to notified central authorities in the Schedule: UPSC, SSC, RRBs, IBPS, NTA.
• University and State Board exams are NOT automatically covered; states may adopt it as a model law.

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• Privacy is intrinsic to dignity and personal liberty under Article 21, though not expressly listed.
• Puttaswamy (2017), nine-judge Bench: privacy is a fundamental right; restriction needs legality, legitimate aim, proportionality.
• Section 112 Evidence Act (now Section 116 BSA 2023) presumes legitimacy of a child born in a valid marriage, rebuttable only by non-access.
• Courts require an 'eminent need' and strong prima facie case before ordering DNA tests.
• Goutam Kundu (1993) and Bhabani Prasad Jena set the balancing standard.
• Aparna Ajinkya Firodia (2023) protected the child's dignity and privacy against routine DNA testing.
• Prenatal DNA testing adds concerns of the mother's bodily integrity; allowed only exceptionally with strong justification.

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• GST and the GST Council pooled indirect-tax sovereignty; states worry about autonomy and compensation.
• Cesses and surcharges outside the divisible pool shrink states' effective tax share.
• NITI Aayog and conditional centrally sponsored schemes shape state priorities.
• Friction over Governors, All-India Services and central agencies.
• Revive the Inter-State Council (Article 263) and Zonal Councils for dialogue.
• Implement Sarkaria and Punchhi Commission recommendations on Governors and Article 356.
• Ensure fiscal fairness, honour Finance Commission awards, and give states scheme flexibility.

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• Relaxed locus standi lets public-spirited citizens litigate for the marginalised (S.P. Gupta, 1981).
• Epistolary jurisdiction treated letters as petitions (Hussainara Khatoon, 1979).
• Expansive Article 21 (health, environment, dignity) under Articles 32 and 226.
• Executive/legislative inaction and judicial activism (Bhagwati, Krishna Iyer) drove growth.
• Basic structure doctrine (Kesavananda Bharati, 1973) lets the Court review amendments.
• Article 142 'complete justice' powers and the collegium make it exceptionally powerful.
• Caveats: judicial overreach, PIL misuse, pendency; need for self-restraint.

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