6 current affairs published on Saturday, 23 May 2026
23 May 2026 Current Affairs for UPSC — every
Why-in-News article AnantamIAS published on Saturday, 23 May 2026, broken down with
Why in News?, the exact GS paper it feeds, sub-topic mapping, MCQ-ready facts and a
UPSC-style practice question. 6 articles in total, covering Polity, Economy, Environment, S&T, IR, Geography, History, Society and Internal
Security — the same Why-in-News + GS-paper-mapping + practice-question format the Compass uses across
every daily digest on the site.
Daily current affairs for UPSC is where new material enters your prep stream. Read this
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22 May 2026 Current Affairs;
the next day's is 24 May 2026 Current Affairs.
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monthly is revision. Use the daily page to add fresh material to your notes the day it breaks;
come back to the May 2026 compilation 60 days before Prelims when the
noise has settled and only the lasting takeaway is worth re-reading.
The Odisha Cabinet has approved the proposed Odisha Marine Fishing Regulation Bill, 2026, which seeks to replace the 44-year-old Orrisa Marine Fishing Regulation Act, 1982.
Mains: Blue Economy and Sustainable Maritime Governance.
Odisha Marine Fishing Regulation Bill, 2026:
Odisha, with a coastline of over 500 km and nearly 15 lakh fishermen, is among India’s major marine fishing states.The Odisha Marine Fishing Regulation Bill, 2026, aims to create a modern legal framework for sustainable marine fisheries, coastal security, blue economy growth, and marine ecosystem conservation in the state.
Need for the New Regulations:
The Orissa Marine Fishing Regulation Act, 1982, was limited to basic provisions: licensing of fishing vessels, their registration, power to restrict or prohibit fishing, and authority to search and seize vessels. It was never designed to address:
Marine resource conservation and biodiversity threats
Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing
Technological integration in monitoring and tracking
Coastal security threats, including foreign vessel intrusion
Economic frameworks such as deep-sea fishing and mariculture
Cross-border infiltration through fishing routes
Hence, the existing law was limited in scope and inadequate to address emerging challenges such as marine resource conservation, fishermen’s safety, coastal security, and technological advancements.
Key Provisions of the 2026 Bill:
Fisheries Governance & Regulation
Strict licensing for fishing vessels and fishermen
Regulation of fishing gear; ban on destructive fishing practices
Protection of traditional fishers’ rights
Mariculture & Blue Economy
Regulation of deep-sea fishing activities
Promotion of marine cage culture and seaweed culture
Deployment of artificial reefs for territorial water rejuvenation
Smart green integrated infrastructure for fishing harbours
Coastal Security & Surveillance
Mandatory transponders, VHF radios, and vessel tracking systems
Biometric/QR-coded Aadhaar identification for fishermen
Measures to prevent the entry of unauthorised foreign fishing vessels
Curbing infiltration via coastal districts (Kendrapada, Jagatsinghpur, Bhadrak)
Livelihood & Safety
Enhanced insurance coverage for fishermen and livelihood support provisions.
Mandatory modern safety and communication equipment.
Employment generation through infrastructure modernisation.
Odisha aims to increase seafood exports from approximately ₹5,000 crore annually to ₹25,000 crore by 2036. Major export destinations include China, the United States, Japan, Vietnam, Thailand, the European Union and Gulf countries.
Broader Significance for India:
Blue Economy & Economic Geography: India has a coastline of 7,516 km and an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of over 2.02 million sq. km. The Blue Economy (sustainable use of ocean resources) is central to India’s growth ambitions. The Bill may become a template for other coastal states and strengthen India’s Blue Economy Vision.
Climate Change Adaptation: Marine ecosystems are critically threatened by overfishing, IUU fishing, Ocean warming, Cyclones, Coastal erosion and Salinity changes. Artificial reefs and seaweed cultivation in the Bill align with coral reef restoration and carbon sequestration goals. Scientific fisheries governance can improve climate resilience in coastal communities.
Cooperative Federalism and Maritime Governance: Fisheries fall under the State List (Entry 21, List II) under the Seventh Schedule. However, Territorial waters (0-12 nautical miles) fall largely under state jurisdiction. The EEZ (up to 200 nautical miles) falls under Union jurisdiction through the Maritime Zones Act, 1976. Thus, regulation of deep-sea fishing creates a shared governance space between State governments, the Central government and Maritime security agencies.
Internal Security and Coastal Surveillance: India’s coastline remains vulnerable to smuggling, Illegal migration, Arms trafficking and Maritime terrorism. The Bill has measures that strengthen fishermen identification systems, coastal surveillance architecture, and real-time maritime monitoring.
Integration with National Security Mechanisms: The Bill complements the National Committee for Strengthening Maritime and Coastal Security (NCSMCS), Coastal Surveillance Network (CSN), and Joint Operations Centres (JOCs). It can enhance coordination among the Coast Guard, Marine police, Fisheries departments and Intelligence agencies.
The Bill represents a significant evolution in India’s marine governance framework. It goes beyond conventional fisheries regulation by integrating Blue Economy goals, Climate resilience, Coastal security, Scientific resource management and Livelihood protection. It has the potential to become a model for sustainable maritime governance in India.
The Reserve Bank of India’s Central Board of Directors approved the transfer of a record surplus of ₹2,86,588.46 crore to the Central Government for the accounting year 2025-26. This marks the highest-ever dividend payout by the RBI.
The record transfer was driven by robust earnings, particularly large-scale US dollar sales in the foreign exchange market to defend the rupee, and higher returns on foreign currency assets amid elevated global interest rates.
The RBI simultaneously raised the Contingency Risk Buffer (CRB) significantly in view of geopolitical tensions (especially the West Asia conflict) and global financial market volatility.
UPSC Relevance: GS-3 Economy: Fiscal Policy, Mobilisation of Resources
Prelims: Contingency Risk Buffer, Source of Earnings for RBI, Surplus Transfer, Economic Capital Framework
Source of Earnings for RBI:
RBI’s income arises from its role as the monetary authority and banker to the government. The key sources are:
Interest on Government Securities held as domestic investments
Interest on Loans & Advances to banks and financial institutions
Interest earned on Liquid Adjustment Facility (LAF) operations
Interest income from Foreign Currency Assets held
Earnings from Forex Swaps
Seigniorage profit from issuing currency notes (the difference between the face value and the cost of production)
Composition of RBI’s Balance Sheet:
Liabilities: Capital & Reserves (incl. Contingency Fund, Asset Development Fund), Revaluation Accounts (CGRA, IRA, FCVA), Deposits of Banks & Government and Currency Notes in Circulation.
Assets: Foreign Currency Assets (FCA), Gold, Investments in Domestic Securities, Loans & Advances to banks/government.
Mechanism of Surplus Transfer by RBI to the Central Government:
After meeting the risk provisions and other operational expenditures (salaries, etc.) from the earnings of RBI, the surplus is transferred to the central government in the form of dividends.
The surplus transferred to the Central Government is determined as follows:
RBI earns income from all sources (interest, forex operations, seigniorage, etc.) Operational expenditures (staff costs, establishment, etc.) are deducted.
Provisions are made for risk buffers — primarily the Contingency Risk Buffer (CRB). The remaining amount is the transferable surplus, and is transferred to the Central Government under Section 47 of the RBI Act, 1934.
This surplus is classified under Non-Tax Revenue in the Union Budget, making it a crucial source of funding for government expenditure without additional borrowing.
Contingency Risk Buffer (CRB):
Contingency Risk Buffer is the reserved fund within the Economic Capital Framework (ECF) maintained by RBI to address potential financial disruptions or crises. It is the country’s savings for a ‘rainy day’ (financial stability crisis) which the RBI consciously maintains in view of its role as the Lender of Last Resort.
In FY26, the RBI significantly raised the CRB from ₹44,861.70 crore (FY25) to ₹1,09,379.64 crore (more than doubled), while maintaining the CRB at 6.5% of its balance sheet under the revised Economic Capital Framework.
RBI adopted a Revised ECF in 2025, widening the CRB range to 4.5%-7.5%.
Reasons for raising CRB:
Ongoing geopolitical tensions, particularly the West Asia conflict and associated risks of energy price spikes.
Heightened volatility in global bond and currency markets.
Need to preserve RBI’s capacity to intervene as Lender of Last Resort.
Building resilience against external shocks amid uncertain global macro conditions.
Why was the FY26 Dividend so high?
Large Dollar Sales: RBI actively intervened in forex markets to defend the rupee, generating trading income.
Higher Global Interest Rates: Returns on foreign assets increased significantly.
Expansion of RBI Balance Sheet: The RBI balance sheet expanded by over 20% to ₹91.97 lakh crore.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah announced that India is preparing to introduce a “Smart Border” concept aimed at strengthening security along the India-Pakistan and India-Bangladesh borders. The proposed model seeks to combine surveillance technologies such as drones, radars and sensors with coordinated intelligence mechanisms to prevent infiltration, illegal migration, smuggling and emerging security threats.
UPSC Relevance
Prelims: Border Security Force (BSF), Smart Border Management, India’s international borders, illegal migration, border infrastructure initiatives.
Mains: GS II: Governance, federalism, migration and internal security; GS III: Border management, security challenges, technology in internal security.
Background/Context
India shares a land border of approximately 15,106 km with seven countries:
Bangladesh – 4,096 km
China – 3,488 km
Pakistan – 3,323 km
Nepal – 1,751 km
Myanmar – 1,643 km
Bhutan – 699 km
Afghanistan – 106 km
India’s border regions have historically faced challenges such as: Illegal migration, Cross-border terrorism, Smuggling of narcotics and cattle, Fake currency circulation, Arms trafficking, Human trafficking, Emerging drone-based threats
Traditional border management depended largely on physical fencing, patrols and human intelligence. However, technological advances and evolving security threats have made integrated and technology-based systems increasingly important.
Understanding the Smart Border Concept
The Smart Border model refers to an integrated technological system designed to strengthen border surveillance and management.
Key components may include:
Drone Surveillance
Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) can monitor difficult terrain and provide real-time information.
Advantages:
Continuous surveillance
Detection of infiltration attempts
Reduced human risk
Radar Systems
Ground surveillance radars help detect movement of individuals, vehicles and drones.
Functions:
Monitoring night movements
Tracking suspicious activities
Supporting military and border forces
Sensor Networks
Different sensors can identify unusual activities.
Examples:
Seismic sensors for underground movement
Thermal sensors for body heat detection
Motion sensors for movement alerts
Artificial Intelligence and Data Analytics
AI systems can:
Detect abnormal movement patterns
Process large volumes of surveillance data
Improve threat prediction
Command and Control Centres
Integrated centres can connect:
BSF
State police
Intelligence agencies
District administration
Revenue authorities
This supports quicker decision-making.
Existing Border Management Initiatives in India
Comprehensive Integrated Border Management System (CIBMS)
CIBMS was introduced as a technology-driven security framework.
Installed on riverine stretches of India-Bangladesh border
Uses sensors and communication systems
Helps monitor difficult terrains
Border Area Development Programme (BADP)
Objectives:
Infrastructure development in border regions
Improve local livelihoods
Increase integration of border populations
Vibrant Villages Programme
Launched to improve border village development through:
Better connectivity
Economic opportunities
Infrastructure support
Why There is a Need for a Smart Border System?
Emerging Security Challenges
Traditional threats are now being supplemented by newer challenges:
Drone-based threats
Drones have increasingly been used for:
Arms delivery
Drug smuggling
Intelligence gathering
More than 300 drones were reportedly neutralised by BSF within one year, reflecting changing patterns of security threats.
Hybrid Warfare
Hybrid warfare combines:
Military pressure
Cyber attacks
Information warfare
Economic disruption
Proxy actors
Illegal Migration and Demographic Concerns
Large-scale illegal migration can create challenges relating to:
Identity documentation
Resource allocation
Social tensions
Internal security
Difficult Geography
India’s borders pass through:
Deserts
Rivers
Mountains
Forests
Marshlands
Human surveillance alone may be inadequate in such regions.
Importance of Cooperative Border Management
The proposed framework emphasises coordination among multiple stakeholders.
Role of BSF
Primary responsibilities:
Guarding international borders with Pakistan and Bangladesh
Preventing infiltration
Controlling smuggling
Role of State Governments
States contribute through:
Police intelligence
Local information gathering
Administrative coordination
Role of Local Administration
Officials such as:
District Magistrates
Revenue officers
Local bodies
can help identify:
Illegal settlement patterns
Smuggling routes
Vulnerable areas
What are the Challenges Associated with Smart Borders?
Financial Constraints
Advanced surveillance infrastructure requires:
Large capital investment
Regular maintenance
Skilled manpower
Privacy and Civil Liberty Concerns
Extensive surveillance systems may raise issues regarding:
Data protection
Privacy rights
Potential misuse of collected data
Difficult Terrain
Extreme weather conditions can affect Sensors, Drones, Communication systems
Dependence on Technology
Over-reliance on technological systems may create vulnerabilities if: Systems fail, Networks are hacked, Equipment becomes obsolete
Coordination Issues
Multiple agencies may face:
Information-sharing barriers
Institutional overlap
Administrative delays
Global Examples of Smart Borders
United States
The U.S. uses:
Drone surveillance
Motion sensors
Biometric identification systems
along sections of the Mexico border.
Israel
Israel uses integrated smart fencing systems equipped with: Sensors, Cameras, AI-based surveillance
European Union
The Schengen Information System integrates border management and security databases across member countries.
Constitutional and Governance Dimensions
Article 355
It places a duty on the Union government to protect States against:
External aggression
Internal disturbances
Seventh Schedule
Union List
Border management, defence and national security fall within Union jurisdiction.
Key Terms
Hybrid Warfare: A combination of conventional military methods and non-conventional tools such as cyber attacks, disinformation and proxy actors.
Illegal Migration: Movement of individuals across borders without legal authorisation.
Smart Border: Technology-enabled integrated border surveillance and management system.
What are the Challenges in Balancing Security and Rights?
While national security remains essential, measures must also ensure:
Human rights protection
Due legal processes
Prevention of profiling
Humanitarian considerations for refugees and vulnerable populations
Way Forward
Strengthen Integrated Intelligence Networks
Real-time information sharing among BSF, police and intelligence agencies should be institutionalised through unified platforms.
Expand Indigenous Technology Development
Encouraging domestic development of surveillance systems under initiatives such as Make in India can reduce dependence on foreign technologies.
Improve Border Area Development
Security measures should be combined with better infrastructure, education and livelihood opportunities in border regions.
Strengthen Cybersecurity Infrastructure
As border management becomes increasingly technology-driven, cybersecurity systems must be upgraded to protect surveillance networks.
Enhance International Cooperation
Border management requires sustained diplomatic engagement with neighbouring countries to tackle migration and transnational crimes.
Conclusion
India’s evolving security environment demands a transition from traditional border guarding methods towards integrated and technology-driven systems. Smart borders can strengthen national security and improve surveillance efficiency, but sustainable success will depend on balancing technological innovation with cooperative governance, local participation and constitutional values.
Practice Questions
Prelims MCQ 1
With reference to Smart Border Management, consider the following statements:
Smart border systems rely exclusively on physical fencing and personnel deployment.
Drone technology can assist in real-time border surveillance.
Artificial Intelligence can help identify suspicious movement patterns.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Correct Answer: (c)
Explanation: Statement 1 is incorrect because smart borders use technology-based integrated systems rather than relying only on physical barriers. Statements 2 and 3 are correct.
Prelims MCQ 2
Which of the following programmes is specifically associated with technology-based border management in India?
Comprehensive Integrated Border Management System (CIBMS)
BOLD-QIT
Border Area Development Programme (BADP)
Select the correct answer using the code below:
(a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Correct Answer: (d)
Explanation: CIBMS and BOLD-QIT directly involve technological border management, while BADP supports border infrastructure and development.
Mains Question
“Border management in the twenty-first century requires a shift from traditional approaches towards integrated technology-based systems.” Examine in the context of India’s internal security challenges.
Discuss the opportunities and challenges associated with the adoption of Smart Border systems in India. How can India balance national security requirements with constitutional and humanitarian concerns?
The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), also spelt Cockroach Janata Party, is a satirical, unregistered political movement founded in India on 16 May 2026 by Abhijeet Dipke. The Cockroach Janta Party took shape one day after Chief Justice of India Surya Kant referred in open court to unemployed “youngsters like cockroaches” who turn to activism. Within three days the movement crossed 11 million Instagram followers, and by July 2026 it had over 23 million, more than any registered Indian political party.
This note explains what the Cockroach Janta Party is, how it grew, what it demands, how the state responded, and what an aspirant should carry into the examination hall from it. The facts below are current to 24 July 2026.
Why in News?
The Cockroach Janta Party moved from social media satire to sustained street protest between May and July 2026. What began as a joke on X became a nationwide agitation at Jantar Mantar over the 2026 NEET paper leak and CBSE On-Screen Marking irregularities, drew a Section 69A blocking order against its social media account, invited a Delhi High Court intervention, and ended a 26-day hunger strike by Sonam Wangchuk with written assurances from the Union Government on 23 July 2026.
The episode matters for three reasons:
It is the clearest recent case of a digital-first, leaderless political formation acquiring mass scale without registering as a political party or fighting an election.
It tested the constitutional boundary between Article 19(1)(a) speech rights and executive blocking powers under the Information Technology Act, 2000.
It forced a policy response on examination integrity, an issue that recurs across GS Paper II governance and GS Paper IV ethics.
Cockroach Janta Party at a Glance
The following table summarises the core facts on the Cockroach Janta Party as of 24 July 2026.
Particular
Detail
Name
Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), also written Cockroach Janata Party
Founded
16 May 2026
Founder
Abhijeet Dipke, 30, a political communications strategist and Boston University public relations graduate who earlier worked with the Aam Aadmi Party
Trigger
A remark by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant in open court on 15 May 2026 referring to unemployed “youngsters like cockroaches”
Meaning of the name
A parody of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The movement reclaims the slur, translating roughly as the “Cockroach People’s Party”
Launch method
A post on X captioned “Main Bhi Cockroach”, followed by a Google Form and website within 24 hours
Reach
Over 11 million Instagram followers within three days and more than 350,000 sign-ups; over 23 million followers by July 2026
Registration status
Not registered with the Election Commission of India. The founder has publicly refused to convert it into a political party
Core demand
Resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and accountability for the 2026 NEET paper leak
Main protest site
Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, from 6 June 2026
State action
Account blocked under Section 69A of the IT Act on 21 June 2026; unblocking ordered by the Delhi High Court on 7 July 2026
Status
Protest continuing. Dharmendra Pradhan has not resigned
Cockroach Janta Party: key facts as of 24 July 2026.
UPSC Relevance
Prelims Relevance
Section 69A, Information Technology Act, 2000: power to block public access to information
Article 19(1)(a) and the reasonable restrictions under Article 19(2)
Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) on online speech
Section 29A, Representation of the People Act, 1951: registration of political parties with the Election Commission of India
Writ jurisdiction of High Courts under Article 226
Mains Relevance
GS Paper I:
Social empowerment, youth and social change
Effects of globalisation and technology on Indian society
GS Paper II:
Role of pressure groups, civil society and formal or informal associations in the polity
Government policies and interventions, and issues arising from their design and implementation
Statutory bodies: Election Commission of India; separation of powers and judicial conduct
GS Paper III:
Role of social media in internal security challenges
Awareness in the field of IT, and regulation of digital platforms
GS Paper IV:
Ethics in public administration; accountability and responsibility of public servants
Emotional intelligence, and the ethics of dissent and protest
Essay: Democracy and dissent; technology and society; the aspirations of young India.
How the Cockroach Janta Party Started
The Cockroach Janta Party began with a courtroom sentence. On 15 May 2026, during an open hearing at the Supreme Court, Chief Justice of India Surya Kant referred to “youngsters like cockroaches, who don’t get any employment or have any place in the profession” and turn to activism. Clipped and circulated within hours, the phrase read to millions of young Indians as a judge calling the unemployed parasites.
Chief Justice Surya Kant later clarified that his remark was directed at persons practising on fraudulent degrees, not at India’s youth, whom he described as the pillars of a developed India. The clarification arrived after the phrase had already acquired an independent life online, which is itself a study in how digital outrage outruns correction.
On 16 May 2026, Abhijeet Dipke, a 30-year-old political communications strategist and Boston University public relations graduate who had earlier worked with the Aam Aadmi Party, posted a joke on X announcing a platform for “all the cockroaches out there”, captioned Main Bhi Cockroach. A website and a Google Form followed within 24 hours. The membership criteria were deliberately absurd: unemployed, lazy, chronically online, and a professional ranter.
Why the name matters
The name parodies the Bharatiya Janata Party, and translates roughly as the “Cockroach People’s Party”. The rhetorical move is old and effective. A group takes the insult aimed at it and wears it as identity, which converts humiliation into membership. The cockroach also carries a second meaning the movement uses deliberately: it survives what is designed to kill it.
Timeline: From a Courtroom Remark to Jantar Mantar
The Cockroach Janta Party compressed the life cycle of a social movement, from insult to agitation to negotiated assurance, into ten weeks. The timeline below tracks that arc.
Date (2026)
Development
15 May
Chief Justice of India Surya Kant makes the “youngsters like cockroaches” remark in open court. He later clarifies that he meant holders of fraudulent degrees
16 May
Abhijeet Dipke launches the Cockroach Janta Party on X with the caption “Main Bhi Cockroach”; a website and Google Form follow within 24 hours
19 May
The Instagram account crosses 11 million followers and membership sign-ups pass 350,000
23 May
The founder alleges that the movement’s website was taken down
6 June
Protests begin at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, over the 2026 NEET paper leak and CBSE On-Screen Marking irregularities, demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan
21 June
The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology orders the blocking of the movement’s X account under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, citing national security
28 June
Ladakhi activist Sonam Wangchuk begins an indefinite hunger strike at Jantar Mantar alongside student activists
7 July
The Delhi High Court orders the account unblocked, holding the security rationale no longer sustainable
18 July
Delhi Police remove Sonam Wangchuk to Safdarjung Hospital on the twentieth day of his fast
20 July
The “Sansad Chalo March” towards Parliament is stopped with lathi charge, tear gas and water cannon. Delhi Police report 118 personnel injured; hospitals report more than 100 injured protesters
23 July
Sonam Wangchuk ends his 26-day fast at Medanta Hospital, Gurugram, in the presence of Union Ministers J. P. Nadda and Dr Jitendra Singh, after written assurances from the Union Government
Cockroach Janta Party timeline, 15 May to 23 July 2026.
What the Cockroach Janta Party Demands
The Cockroach Janta Party operates on two levels: an immediate agitational demand, and a broader manifesto of institutional reform.
Immediate demands
Resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan
Accountability and prosecution for the 2026 NEET paper leak and CBSE On-Screen Marking failures
Compensation for the families of students who died by suicide in the wake of the paper leak
Structural reform of competitive examination administration
No criminal cases against peacefully protesting students
Manifesto demands
A bar on post-retirement Rajya Sabha seats for Chief Justices of India
Accountability for deletions from electoral rolls
Fifty per cent reservation for women in Parliament and the Union Cabinet
Scrutiny of large corporate holdings in the media sector
A twenty-year bar on contesting elections for legislators who defect
Note the shape of the list. Every demand targets an institution rather than a policy outcome, which is characteristic of accountability movements rather than programmatic parties. Compare this with the structured, negotiable demands of the 2020-21 farmers’ protest, where a specific set of laws gave the agitation a clear terminal point.
The Jantar Mantar Protests and the State Response
The Jantar Mantar phase converted an online following into a physical constituency, and it is the part of the Cockroach Janta Party story that carries the most examinable content. Protests began on 6 June 2026 with a few hundred participants and grew to tens of thousands by the “Sansad Chalo March” of 20 July, which police stopped short of Parliament using lathi charge, tear gas and water cannon.
The blocking order and the judicial check
On 21 June 2026 the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology directed the blocking of the movement’s X account under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, citing national security. On 7 July 2026 the Delhi High Court ordered the account restored, holding that the security justification no longer held. The sequence is a textbook illustration of executive blocking power meeting judicial review, and it belongs beside Article 19 of the Indian Constitution in your polity notes.
The negotiated outcome
Sonam Wangchuk’s hunger strike, begun on 28 June 2026, gave the agitation a moral focal point that a leaderless online movement could not generate on its own. He ended the 26-day fast on 23 July 2026 after the Union Government furnished written assurances on three counts: that accountability in the examination system would be discussed on the floor of Parliament, that families of students who died by suicide after the NEET paper leak would receive adequate compensation, and that no cases would be registered against peacefully protesting students. The Prime Minister separately announced fast-track courts for paper-leak cases.
Dharmendra Pradhan has not resigned, and the Cockroach Janta Party has stated that the Jantar Mantar protest will continue until he does. The movement therefore secured procedural assurances but not its headline demand, which is the usual settlement point for agitations without electoral leverage.
Why the Cockroach Janta Party Matters: Synchronisation versus Solidarity
The Cockroach Janta Party is significant less for what it achieved than for what it revealed about how political energy now assembles in India. The analytical frame below separates the movement’s speed from its durability.
The power and limits of digital synchronisation
Social media has democratised political expression by allowing isolated individuals to experience collective intensity quickly. A single meme or slogan can generate the feeling of participation within hours, which is how CJP gathered 11 million followers in three days. This synchronisation, an emotional alignment around a common enemy, differs fundamentally from solidarity, which requires sustained organisation, institutional memory, trust and a shared vision.
The distinction is worth an analogy. Synchronisation is thousands of people clapping at the same moment in a concert hall: overwhelming, and over. Solidarity is an orchestra that has rehearsed together for years, which requires discipline, division of labour and a common score. The Cockroach Janta Party managed the first at extraordinary scale. Whether it can build the second is the open question.
Erosion of collective social life
The deeper crisis lies in the weakening of institutions that once produced belonging: campuses, trade unions, student unions, neighbourhood associations and public spaces. Consumerist societies organised around individual choice have expanded private life at the cost of public engagement. The result is a population of emotionally underserved individuals who find temporary relief in digitally mediated outrage. The vacuum left by civil society organisations and NGOs is precisely the space a movement like CJP fills.
India’s demographic position sharpens this. Persons aged 15 to 29 form close to a quarter of the population, and educated unemployment remains the most politically combustible category in the unemployment data for India. High aspiration meeting blocked mobility is the standard precondition for reactive politics.
Lessons from Bangladesh, Nepal and elsewhere
Youth movements in Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Kenya have demonstrated that reactive digital energy can genuinely challenge entrenched regimes. They have also demonstrated the three standard endings: the swarm gets institutionalised into a party, gets redirected by an existing political formation, or simply exhausts itself. The Indian experience with the CJP should be read with the same caution, rather than as proof of a permanent new model of politics. The founder’s refusal to register a party makes the first ending unlikely by design.
Material and structural contradictions
Contemporary societies face a paradox. Citizens emotionally desire decentralisation and anti-establishment politics, yet they live inside highly centralised systems: energy grids, digital platforms, financial networks and megacities. Those systems structurally favour the concentration of power even as politics appears distributed. A movement that lives on two or three privately owned platforms is, in the end, dependent on them, as the June 2026 blocking order demonstrated.
Lacan’s warning: during the French student protests of 1968, the psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan suggested that revolts against authority often end by producing a new authority, because people seek certainty and a master. The observation is a useful check on the assumption that anti-establishment outrage automatically yields better governance.
Constitutional, Legal and Governance Dimensions
Constitutional perspective: Article 19(1)(a) guarantees freedom of speech and expression, and covers digital expression. Article 19(2) permits reasonable restrictions, and the Supreme Court in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) struck down Section 66A while upholding Section 69A with procedural safeguards. The June-July 2026 blocking and unblocking of the CJP account sits squarely inside that framework.
Right to assembly: Article 19(1)(b) protects peaceful assembly, subject to reasonable restrictions. The policing of the Sansad Chalo March raises proportionality questions that recur in every mass-protest question paper.
Electoral law: Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 governs the registration of political parties. The Cockroach Janta Party is not registered, so it enjoys none of the recognitions, and carries none of the disclosure obligations, that attach to a registered party. That gap is the governance question the episode poses.
Governance dimension: the movement is a symptom of declining trust in formal institutions and of the rise of what scholars call networked governance. It behaves much like a pressure group in Indian democracy, but without membership rolls, office bearers or accountability.
Judicial conduct: the trigger was a remark from the bench. Judicial language in open court is not merely procedural, and the episode is a live example of how institutional speech shapes public legitimacy.
Comparative dimension: from the Arab Spring to recent movements in Sri Lanka and Kenya, digitally organised youth mobilisation is a global feature of late modernity rather than an Indian exception.
Challenges and Criticisms
A balanced answer must state the case against the Cockroach Janta Party as clearly as the case for it.
The trigger was partly a misreading: Chief Justice Surya Kant clarified that his remark referred to persons practising on fraudulent degrees. A movement founded on a clipped quote inherits a problem of factual foundation.
Sustainability: outrage-driven movements typically fade when the trigger fades. Search interest in CJP fell sharply between May and July 2026 even as the street protest continued.
Accountability deficit: an unregistered formation with 23 million followers has influence without any of the disclosure, audit or internal-democracy requirements that bind registered parties.
Risk of populism: reliance on a symbolic enemy polarises debate and crowds out the negotiation that policy change actually requires.
Digital divide and manipulation: the movement empowers the connected and excludes those without access or digital literacy, and platform algorithms can amplify misinformation as readily as grievance.
Institutional erosion: continuous reactive politics can further weaken political parties and parliamentary processes, which remain the load-bearing structures of a stable democracy.
Material reality: even decentralised movements must eventually engage centralised state structures for welfare delivery, regulation and redress, as the July 2026 negotiation showed.
Way Forward
Rebuild collective institutions: strengthen student unions, Panchayats, municipalities and civil society platforms that sustain dialogue instead of episodic outrage.
Fix the examination system at its root: the assurances of 23 July 2026 on parliamentary discussion, compensation and fast-track courts must translate into statutory reform of examination administration, not a single news cycle.
Digital literacy and proportionate regulation: build digital citizenship into school curricula, and ensure that blocking powers under Section 69A carry reasoned orders and time limits so that judicial correction is not the only safeguard.
Youth-centric policy: expand Skill India, the Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme and the National Youth Policy with explicit attention to aspiration management and mental health.
Hybrid political models: parties should adopt digital tools for participation while retaining organisational depth, internal democracy and ideological clarity.
Channel energy into solidarity: community initiatives through the National Service Scheme and Nehru Yuva Kendra Sangathan can convert episodic emotion into social capital.
Evidence-based research: commission studies on digital political behaviour through NITI Aayog or the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports.
Ethical leadership on all sides: restraint in institutional speech, and the ethics of protest and civil disobedience, apply equally to the bench, the executive and the movement.
Conclusion
The Cockroach Janta Party is symptomatic of a deeper transformation in Indian society, the tension between individualised aspiration and an unmet hunger for collective meaning. In ten weeks it converted an offhand judicial remark into 23 million followers, a sustained occupation of Jantar Mantar, a constitutional test of Section 69A, and written assurances from the Union Government. It did not obtain the resignation it demanded, and it has refused to become a party that could contest for the power to compel one.
That combination is the lesson. Digital tools have widened the democratic sphere, but converting fleeting synchronisation into enduring solidarity remains the unsolved problem. As India works towards its 2047 goals, the gap between emotional energy and institutional capacity is the gap that mature democratic governance has to close.
UPSC Practice Questions
Q1. Consider the following statements regarding the Cockroach Janta Party:
It is registered with the Election Commission of India under the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
It emerged in 2026 following a remark made by the Chief Justice of India in open court.
Its stated core demand during the 2026 Jantar Mantar protests was the resignation of the Union Education Minister.
Which of the statements given above are correct? (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Answer: (b) 2 and 3 only Explanation: The Cockroach Janta Party is not registered with the Election Commission of India, and its founder has publicly declined to convert it into a political party, so statement 1 is incorrect. It was launched on 16 May 2026, a day after the Chief Justice of India’s remark in open court, and its headline demand at Jantar Mantar was the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.
Q2. With reference to Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, consider the following statements:
It empowers the Central Government to direct blocking of public access to information in the interest of, among other grounds, the sovereignty and integrity of India.
It was struck down by the Supreme Court in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015).
Orders issued under it are amenable to judicial review by the High Courts.
Which of the statements given above are correct? (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Answer: (c) 1 and 3 only Explanation: In Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) the Supreme Court struck down Section 66A but upheld Section 69A along with the associated blocking rules, subject to procedural safeguards. Statement 2 is therefore incorrect. Blocking orders remain reviewable, as the Delhi High Court demonstrated on 7 July 2026 when it ordered the restoration of the CJP account.
Q3. Which of the following best describes the constitutional basis of digital political expression in India?
Answer: (b) Article 19(1)(a) Explanation: Freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) extends to expression through digital and online media, subject to the reasonable restrictions enumerated in Article 19(2).
Q4. Consider the following statements about the registration of political parties in India:
Registration is granted by the Election Commission of India under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
An unregistered political association cannot lawfully hold public meetings or campaign on public issues.
Registration is a precondition for a party to claim a reserved election symbol.
Which of the statements given above are correct? (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 1 and 3 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Answer: (b) 1 and 3 only Explanation: Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 provides for registration with the Election Commission of India, and symbol allotment under the Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment) Order, 1968 flows from registered status. Statement 2 is incorrect: an unregistered association retains the ordinary rights of speech and assembly under Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(b), as the Cockroach Janta Party episode illustrates.
Q5. In the context of contemporary political mobilisation, “synchronisation” is best distinguished from “solidarity” on the ground that synchronisation:
(a) requires formal membership and elected office bearers (b) denotes momentary emotional alignment without sustained organisation (c) refers exclusively to protest conducted under judicial supervision (d) is recognised as a category under the Representation of the People Act, 1951
Answer: (b) denotes momentary emotional alignment without sustained organisation Explanation: Synchronisation describes the rapid emotional alignment of dispersed individuals around a common grievance, typically mediated by digital platforms. Solidarity, by contrast, requires organisation, institutional memory, trust and a shared long-term vision.
UPSC Mains Questions
“In the age of social media, Indian democracy is witnessing a shift from institutional politics to reactive digital mobilisation.” Discuss the causes and implications of this shift for democratic governance in India. (250 words)
Examine the challenges in transforming digitally synchronised public outrage into sustainable collective action addressing youth aspirations in India. Suggest measures to bridge this gap. (250 words)
Blocking orders under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 seek to balance national security with the freedom of speech and expression. Critically evaluate the adequacy of existing safeguards in the light of recent judicial pronouncements. (150 words)
Unregistered mass movements can command a larger following than registered political parties without carrying any of their accountability obligations. Discuss the implications for electoral law and democratic accountability in India. (150 words)
Sources: Supreme Court of India proceedings of 15 May 2026 as reported in the national press; Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology blocking order of 21 June 2026; Delhi High Court order of 7 July 2026; Government of India assurances of 23 July 2026. Facts verified against contemporaneous reporting by the BBC, Al Jazeera, NDTV and Business Standard.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the Cockroach Janta Party?
The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) is a satirical, unregistered political movement founded in India on 16 May 2026 by Abhijeet Dipke. It grew out of a remark by Chief Justice of India Surya Kant comparing unemployed youth to cockroaches, and it campaigns on unemployment, examination integrity, press freedom and institutional accountability rather than contesting elections.
Who founded the Cockroach Janta Party?
Abhijeet Dipke, a 30-year-old political communications strategist and Boston University public relations graduate who previously worked with the Aam Aadmi Party, founded CJP on 16 May 2026 with a post on X captioned “Main Bhi Cockroach”.
Why is it called the Cockroach Janta Party?
The name parodies the Bharatiya Janata Party and translates roughly as the “Cockroach People’s Party”. It reclaims the Chief Justice of India’s courtroom reference to “youngsters like cockroaches”, turning an insult into a badge of identity and survival.
Is the Cockroach Janta Party a registered political party?
No. CJP is not registered with the Election Commission of India under Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Its founder has publicly refused to convert it into a political party, describing electoral contestation as pointless in the present circumstances.
What are the Cockroach Janta Party’s demands?
Its immediate demand is the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan and accountability for the 2026 NEET paper leak. Its wider manifesto seeks a bar on post-retirement Rajya Sabha seats for Chief Justices, accountability for electoral roll deletions, 50 per cent women’s reservation in Parliament and the Cabinet, scrutiny of corporate media holdings, and a 20-year election bar for defectors.
What happened at the 2026 Jantar Mantar protests?
Protests began at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on 6 June 2026 over the NEET paper leak and CBSE On-Screen Marking irregularities. The “Sansad Chalo March” of 20 July 2026 was stopped with lathi charge, tear gas and water cannon, with police reporting 118 personnel injured and hospitals more than 100 injured protesters.
Was the Cockroach Janta Party’s social media account blocked?
Yes. On 21 June 2026 the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology ordered the blocking of the movement’s X account under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, citing national security. The Delhi High Court ordered the account restored on 7 July 2026.
Did the Cockroach Janta Party protests achieve anything?
Partly. On 23 July 2026 Sonam Wangchuk ended a 26-day hunger strike after the Union Government gave written assurances on parliamentary discussion of examination accountability, compensation for families of students who died by suicide, and no cases against peaceful protesters. The Prime Minister announced fast-track courts for paper-leak cases. Dharmendra Pradhan has not resigned, and the protest continues.
Why is the Cockroach Janta Party relevant for the UPSC examination?
It links GS Paper I social change, GS Paper II pressure groups and electoral law, GS Paper III social media and internal security, and GS Paper IV ethics of dissent. Prelims-relevant hooks include Section 69A of the IT Act, Article 19(1)(a), Shreya Singhal (2015) and Section 29A of the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
The Supreme Court has asked a committee headed by former Supreme Court judge Justice Indu Malhotra to examine the use of cartoons in NCERT textbooks after the Solicitor General raised concerns regarding their appropriateness in school material. The issue emerged during hearings relating to content in a Class 8 Social Science textbook and has triggered a broader debate on the role of satire, pedagogy and freedom of expression in education.
UPSC Relevance
Prelims: NCERT, freedom of speech and expression, judicial precedents, constitutional provisions related to education.
Mains: GS II: Issues relating to education, role of institutions, freedom of expression, constitutional values and judicial intervention.
Background/Context
Education is not merely about transmitting factual information; it also develops critical thinking, creativity and democratic values. Textbooks have increasingly adopted illustrations, cartoons and visual methods to simplify complex concepts and improve student engagement.
However, educational content occasionally becomes controversial when questions arise regarding ideological bias, representation of institutions, satire or age appropriateness. Similar debates had previously emerged over cartoons depicting political leaders and constitutional events in educational material.
The recent controversy concerns whether satire and cartoons are pedagogically appropriate within school textbooks and whether such content risks influencing students in unintended ways.
Understanding Cartoons and Satire in Educational Content
Cartoons in educational material are not merely decorative illustrations. They often serve multiple educational functions:
Simplification of complex issues
Political and social issues can often be difficult for children to understand through text alone. Cartoons can simplify abstract ideas through visual representation and relatable examples.
Encouraging critical thinking
Cartoons frequently contain symbolism, humour and implicit messages. Analysing them may encourage students to interpret meaning rather than simply memorise information.
Improving engagement and retention
Visual learning techniques improve attention span and help students retain information more effectively compared to purely text-based content.
Promoting democratic values
Exposure to different viewpoints, including criticism and satire, may strengthen democratic culture and encourage informed citizenship.
At the same time, critics argue that such content should be carefully designed considering the age and maturity of students.
Key Issues Emerging from the Debate
Age appropriateness of educational content
School children belong to different cognitive and emotional stages of development. Material suitable for senior secondary students may not be appropriate for younger students.
Young students may interpret satire literally rather than contextually, creating concerns regarding misunderstanding.
Freedom of expression versus institutional sensitivity
Educational institutions seek to encourage open thinking while maintaining respect for constitutional institutions.
Excessive restrictions may reduce space for debate and critical inquiry, while unrestricted content may generate concerns regarding institutional credibility.
Judicial intervention in educational matters
The Supreme Court’s intervention raises broader questions regarding the extent to which courts should shape curriculum content.
Educational curriculum is generally considered a domain involving expert pedagogical bodies rather than judicial oversight.
Risk of ideological contestation
Textbooks frequently become sites of political and ideological contestation.
Changes in governments often lead to demands for curriculum revision, creating concerns about consistency and academic autonomy.
Constitutional and Legal Dimensions
Article 19(1)(a): Freedom of Speech and Expression
The Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and expression, including artistic and creative expression.
However, Article 19(2) permits reasonable restrictions in specific circumstances.
Article 21A: Right to Education
The State has an obligation to provide quality education that develops the full potential of children.
Quality education includes development of reasoning and critical thinking abilities.
Article 51A(h): Fundamental Duty
Citizens are expected to develop scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform.
Educational content plays an important role in achieving this objective.
Important Judicial Observations
The Supreme Court in Indibily Creative (P) Ltd. v. State of West Bengal recognised satire as an important form of expression.
The Court observed that satire possesses a unique ability to communicate ideas and stimulate public debate. It cautioned against allowing overly sensitive interpretations to suppress expression.
The Court had earlier also stated that the value of satire should be assessed from the perspective of a reasonable person rather than an excessively sensitive individual.
Arguments Supporting Use of Cartoons in Textbooks
Learning through visual pedagogy
Research increasingly suggests that visual aids improve comprehension and reduce learning barriers.
Development of critical citizenship
Exposure to humour and alternative perspectives helps students understand democratic culture and public discourse.
Global educational practices
Many countries use illustrations, comics and visual narratives in school textbooks to improve conceptual understanding.
Arguments Opposing Use of Cartoons in Textbooks
Possibility of misinterpretation
Children may lack the maturity needed to understand satire properly.
Potential institutional impact
Depictions of constitutional bodies or personalities may unintentionally create biased impressions.
Contextual sensitivity
Certain illustrations may become controversial because of political or cultural interpretations.
Challenges in Textbook Development in India
India’s educational system faces multiple challenges while preparing curriculum:
Diversity of linguistic, cultural and regional contexts means content suitable in one context may become controversial in another.
Balancing constitutional values with pedagogical innovation remains difficult.
Curriculum revision often becomes vulnerable to ideological and political pressures.
Maintaining academic autonomy while ensuring accountability continues to be a challenge.
Way Forward
Strengthen expert-led curriculum development
Textbook content should primarily be designed and reviewed by educational experts, child psychologists and subject specialists rather than through ad hoc interventions.
Establish age-sensitive content frameworks
Visual material should be categorised according to cognitive and emotional suitability across different age groups.
Encourage contextual learning
Cartoons and illustrations should be accompanied by explanatory questions that guide students towards critical interpretation.
Preserve academic freedom with safeguards
The objective should be responsible expression rather than excessive censorship, ensuring that learning spaces continue to encourage inquiry and debate.
Ensure transparent review mechanisms
Regular review processes involving educators, parents and experts can reduce controversy and increase trust.
Conclusion
The issue is not merely whether cartoons should appear in textbooks, but how educational material should balance creativity, critical thinking and sensitivity. Democratic education requires students to engage with ideas, question assumptions and understand institutions thoughtfully. The challenge lies in designing content that informs and inspires without creating confusion or unnecessary controversy.
Practice Questions
Prelims Question 1
With reference to freedom of speech and expression in India, consider the following statements:
Satire is not protected under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.
Reasonable restrictions on freedom of speech are provided under Article 19(2).
The Supreme Court has recognised satire as a legitimate form of expression.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Correct Answer: (c)
Explanation: Article 19(1)(a) protects freedom of expression including satire, while Article 19(2) provides reasonable restrictions. The Supreme Court has recognised satire as a protected form of expression.
Prelims Question 2
Which among the following Fundamental Duties directly promotes critical thinking and scientific inquiry?
(a) Protecting public property (b) Developing scientific temper and spirit of inquiry (c) Protecting sovereignty and integrity (d) Promoting harmony
Correct Answer: (b)
Explanation: Article 51A(h) directs citizens to develop scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform.
Mains Question 1
“Educational institutions should balance critical thinking with institutional sensitivity.” Discuss in the context of textbook content and constitutional values.
Discuss the role of freedom of expression and satire in education. Should educational content be subjected to judicial scrutiny? Examine.
India successfully test-fired the short-range ballistic missile ‘Agni-1’ from the Integrated Test Range at Chandipur, Odisha. The launch validated all operational and technical parameters. The test was carried out under the aegis of the Strategic Forces Command.
UPSC Relevance: GS-3 Science and Technology: Defence Technology
Prelims: Agni series, MIRV, Ballistic vs Cruise Missile
Agni-1 Ballistic Missile:
The Agni-1 is a nuclear-capable, surface-to-surface short-range ballistic missile (SRBM).
Indigenously developed by DRDO (Defence Research and Development Organisation) under India’s Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme.
The missile has a range of 700km to 1200km, and is capable of carrying both conventional and nuclear warheads. It is designed for quick deployment and high mobility.
Propelled by: Single-stage solid-fuel rocket
Guidance: Advanced inertial navigation system with high accuracy.
It is designed to be road-mobile via specialised transporter erector launchers and can also be launched from rail-based platforms.
The successful launch marks another milestone in India’s strategic defence preparedness and reinforces the credibility of the country’s minimum credible deterrence capability.
Agni Missile Series:
The Agni series comprises nuclear-capable surface-to-surface ballistic missile systems with varying strike ranges. The Agni series includes:
Agni-5 and MIRV Technology:
Recently, India successfully tested an advanced Agni-5 missile equipped with MIRV (Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicle) technology.
MIRV enables a single missile to carry multiple warheads that can strike different targets independently. Strategic Advantages of MIRV:
Increases deterrence capability
Overwhelms missile defence systems
Enables multiple target engagement using one missile
Improves second-strike capability
Agni-5 MIRV variant is powered by a three-stage solid-fuel engine and has a strike range exceeding 5,000 km.
Ballistic vs Cruise Missiles:
Feature
Ballistic Missile
Cruise Missile
Trajectory
Arcing, parabolic path; part of the flight is often outside the Earth’s atmosphere.
Linear, non-ballistic path; stays low to the ground.
Propulsion
Rocket engines (solid or liquid fuel) that burn for a short initial period.
Jet engines (turbofan or ramjet) provide continuous thrust throughout the flight.
Speed
Very fast (Supersonic to Hypersonic, reaching speeds above Mach 5 to Mach 20
Slower to medium (Subsonic around Mach 0.8 to Supersonic Mach 3.0
Range
Variable (Short-range tactical to Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles >5000 kms)
Typically shorter to medium-range (around 300 km to 1500 km).
Accuracy
Lower precision; relies on gravity and initial launch angles for free-fall impact.
High precision; uses advanced onboard navigation systems (GPS, terrain contour matching) to course-correct.
Interception
Easier to detect early by radar, but extremely difficult to intercept due to high terminal speeds.
Harder to detect by radar due to low-altitude flying, making interception possible using advanced air defence.
Payload
Large; capable of carrying heavier warheads, including multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicles (MIRVs).
Smaller; designed primarily for precision conventional strikes or single nuclear warheads.
Examples
Agni series, Prithvi, Shaurya
BrahMos (Supersonic), Nirbhay (Subsonic)
UPSC PYQ 2023:
Q. Consider the following statements:
1. Ballistic missiles are jet-propelled at subsonic speeds throughout their flights, while cruise missiles are rocket-powered only in the initial phase of flight.
2. Agni-V is a medium-range supersonic cruise missile, while BrahMos is a solid-fuelled intercontinental ballistic missile.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?